How to pass TranscribeMe audio exams Part A and Part B

Earn money online is wish of everyone and If you want to earn money online with transcription job? If your answer is yes then you are at the right place because in this blog, I provide you TranscribeMe audio test answers. But I tell you TranscribeMe Style guidelines are very important to pass TranscribeMe test because all questions are coming from TranscribeMe Style guidelines. So, if you want to pass TranscribeMe test. You must read TranscribeMe Style guidelines 2-3 times which will help you to pass TranscribeMe test very easily. So, friends please visit our website on daily basis because I upload content about transcription jobs which will help you to make money online with transcription job.So friend there are three part of TranscribeMe audio test. Part A,Part B and Part C but in this blog i only provide you Part A&B.

   


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          Part A

00:00 Speaker 1: All of this means that it matters a lot that this group has acquired so much power,that the concentration of income and wealth at the top has distorted our society, has led us to make bad choices just in terms of the overall state of the economy, as well as unjust choices, choices that hurt ordinary people, even if they may benefit a few people at the top. And we need to try to turn this around, and maybe the most important thing is that we still have this tendency to assume that because people have a lot of money, that that means that they actually understand the world, that being rich means that you are also wise. And that is very, very much not true. I don't want to romanticize the wisdom of the common man, but the fact of the matter is that if anything, the top 0.01% has a worse idea about the realities of life and the real impacts of policy than ordinary voters,and anything we can do to curb that influence is going to help make America a better place.

01:16 Speaker 2: Thanks for that. When you made your comment about people being clueless in the social security debate, I was reminded of Larry Fink from Blackstone, who said that we should raise the retirement age because people mostly just sit around in their jobs. But I wanted to ask... You've written some really insightful columns about other economic models in other parts of the world, and Denmark, for example. I wonder if there's anything we can learn about how some other countries have dealt with their 0.1%.

01:42 S1: Okay, the Nordics are a really interesting case. They are a living refutation of the orthodoxies of saying that high taxes are enormously destructive may get you a Presidential Medal of Freedom, but just look at Denmark, just look at Sweden. These are countries that have far higher taxes than we do and yet they have, in terms of outcomes, things like prime age employment rates, they do better than we do. What is true about the 0.01%, even the Nordics are not that successful at taxing extreme wealth. They make more of an effort at it than we do, but they do live in a globalized world. And what we've learned, if people follow this stuff, Gabriel Zucman's been doing this amazing stuff on tax havens, and a lot of the data... That the rich are elusive.

02:42 S1: We actually know as much as we do, which is not as much we should, only here, thanks to the Panama Papers. And then the Panama Papers integrated... What Gabriel did was he integratedit with information provided by the Swedish Ministry of Finance, which was willing to supply enough data so that he could do matching, so that's on one hand, saying that the Swedes clearly have a very different attitude towards this. They're actually willing to say that high concentration of wealth is a bad thing, but also what it turns out is that there's an awful lot of offshore hidden wealth on the part of Scandinavians, so it's not... The Scandinavian 0.01% is also parking a lot of money in offshore tax havens.

03:29 S1: So it is hard. However, Denmark used to have a wealth tax and it was effective. They did manage to collect money. It's actually a key part of the background behind the war on tax proposal, is that in the few cases where wealth taxes have been applied, there was less evasion than you mighthave feared. So, not a perfect answer. It's probably true that there's been a plutocratic trend even in Sweden and Denmark, but it's nothing like as bad as it is here.

            Part B

0:00:00.0 Speaker 1: You talked about the response to the financial crisis, and perhaps not enough deficit spending as a response. My question is, are deficit spending and increased taxes on the rich tools that should be used in conjunction? Could you talk about their applications and their uses together or alone?

0:00:16.4 Speaker 2: Okay, let me give you... I've been trying to figure out how should we pay for a progressive agenda? Put it that way. There's a bunch of things we should be doing, we should be clearly spending quite a lot more, especially on children, and we need to be spending on infrastructure, and there's a whole bunch of things. We're talking significant amounts of money, andI would say that basically anything that can be reasonably considered to be an investment in the future, it's okay to finance with deficits. Real interest costs for the US are very, very low. Interest rate is below the growth rate of the economy. You've got people like Olivier Blanchard and Larry Summers saying that deficits fears have been vastly overblown. I think we are in a situation where we shouldn't be worrying much about deficits. However, that doesn't mean that you can completely blow it away.

0:01:08.2 Speaker 2: And so pieces of that program that would require, sustained spending and arereally more about social justice than about quite a lot of stuff that's both investment and social justice, but there's also a fair bit of stuff that's just social justice. And I would say that you wanna pay for the social justice parts by higher taxes on the rich, so that the two do go in conjunction. I would say that both some increasing or better targeted deficit spending, 'cause we're doing a lot of deficit spending right now, but we're running deficits to pay for stock buy­backs. But a combinationof deficit spending on investment and taxing the wealthy to pay for social programs is the way I would go.

0:01:53.1 Speaker 3: Will you talk about the intersection of trade and corporate taxes and tax avoidance? It seems like we are in an endless game of Whack­A­Mole with a very inadequate hammer, and I wanna understand what the whole picture needs to look like if you could design it.

0:02:11.3 S2: Okay, corporate tax avoidance, profit shifting to tax havens is a... This is significant thing, although it's not a 100% because if the ability to globalize where profits are reported was unlimited, then we wouldn't have seen a decline in corporate tax receipts after the Trump tax cut. Soobviously, corporate taxes were collecting a significant amount of money despite all of that. But to the extent that it is an issue, look, it's a handful of small countries where this stuff is being... Where profits are realized. We really are talking Ireland, Luxembourg, and then the financial industry is British Virgin Islands, that sort of thing. The major economies have got plenty of leverage to force those tax havens to shut down. If we had a coordinated move on the part of the G7 to say, "This must stop," it would not be at all hard to do it, so you just need an agreement.

0:03:18.7 S2: You need to have progressive governments and enough of the major economies, actually, to a large extent, I think basically, if the British and ourselves would, I think the Germans and the French would go along. Were to say, "We're gonna have a crack down on the tax havens," that would do it. We were even starting to move a little bit in that direction. So it's one of those problems that is not hard technically, it's a political thing. If widespread tax avoidance through the international tax havens persists, it's because interest groups within the advanced countries want them to persist and the moment we decide that that's not gonna happen, it will stop happening. It'sjust an easy problem to solve with the right leadership.


So friends this is about TranscribeMe exam Part A, and Part B.Thanks for visiting here at GoTranscript Audio test answer dot com.

Comments

  1. can you help with audio... "let me quickly talk about"

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    1. Can anyone help me with the audio. and the data is there........

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  2. Can you help me with this Audio At some point, I summarized, all of the studies have been done up until that point, and most of them were running at 80% dreaming call from REM sleep five to 10% of dream recall from non REM sleep. And in my opinion, there was also a tremendous difference in the, in the description of the content that often, the dreamer calls from non REM sleep would be very abbreviated, very static, containing very little imagery. Whereas the recall from REM sleep is a huge, long, vivid real world type story.
    Now, frankly, in today, in the year 2004, I don't quite know what to make of all the controversy, I cannot imagine that the physiological differences between non REM sleep and REM sleep don't account for something, the fact that our motor output is inhibited, in this very, very powerful and orderly fashion wise, so we can elaborate all of the motor output that's going on in the dream world without, jumping out of bed, and there is an illness where that system fails, and you do jump out of bed when you when you dream. If I were young, I might just, you know, go over all that ground again, with some new techniques and whatnot to convince myself What is the difference, if any, between non REM sleep and REM sleep? And I think one would show there are differences.
    Now, the usual interpretation of these differences today is that number one, they're mainly quantitative and, and in cats and other animals, there are spontaneous bursts of activity generated in the brainstem, that flow to the rest of the brain that that start to build up in non REM sleep. And I would say Hobson McCarley, and perhaps others think, okay, there's kind of a stimulation and non REM sleep that allows some elaboration of dream imagery. And if it could be shown that this imagery gets more and more intense as you approach the onset of the REM period, I think that would be a nice way to look at it. But I did an awful lot of that work. And as far as I was concerned, the recall from non REM sleep is kind of perfunctory. And once in a while something will come out and I have to say, yeah, I guess, I was biased because I would say okay, this person is prevaricating or confabulating. But those were the exceptions for me. And I think early on, we thought that it was a definition. The exponent of non REM dreaming from the wreck chef and laboratory was a scientist by the name of David Fox, and some of his early work, you know, if you said Oh, yeah, so there was one word, I think I was thinking about a plate and saucer. Okay, that's a dream. And then there was some work looking at the definition. And I would say that it showed differences. But I want to believe I don't know why REM sleep is dreaming, sleep. is non REM sleep, also genius sleep. I think that question is not an absolute fact, nobody's really out there taking care of patients who have sleep problems. And although there have been some clinical studies from the research point of view, few Dr. Nancy calles, and UCLA, nobody had ever offered a service. So in that in the summer of 1970. with great fanfare, we had a press conference, one reporter showed up, we opened the world's first sleep disorders clinic for the diagnosis and treatment of sleep disorders. And we hardly knew what we were doing. But you learn very quickly because we had the all night test. And that was that was tough because the people who licensed medical practice in the states Sacramento couldn't understand that you'd have a clinic that was open at night. It's you're either a clinic or you have a hospital but there's nothing in between.

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    1. i failed , it took me around 30 minutes to write your trash , maybe its due to poor usage of conjunctions and interjections comma etc

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    2. i Have the answer to this question. If you would like to have it. mail me on prathameshdeshpande1507@gmail.com

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    3. Hey Please check your mail!

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    4. Hey, please check your inbox.

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    6. I had the same test. I was going to do it later, but they just changed to a harder one. it really sucks you know, because this one is kinda easy and I liked it.

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  3. Hi. Can you please help me with the Transcribeme audio "the data is their and they came to that conclusion the head of the CDC"? I need it. Everyone who's kindly please help me with this audio

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    1. I have passed for it. Leave me a reply at prathameshdeshpande1507@gmail.com
      I will hook u up with answer.

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    3. Hey, please check your inbox.

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    4. Hey, please check your inbox.

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    6. This comment has been removed by the author.

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    7. Kindly share the one on ‘the data is there and the to that conclusion the head of CDC’

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    8. Hi also flunked this one. I'm down to my last retry. I really need the answer for this one " the date is there and the to that conclusion the head of CDC" this one. Thank you.

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    9. I passed with this
      and the data is there and they came to that conclusion. The head of the CDC said that exercise is the best medicine for most everything. The cancer people now are using exercise as a treatment for improving our killer cells and proving the effects of medicines. And I started zeroed in on this topic back when I heard about this school in Naperville, Illinois. Interviewed the real revolutionary physical educator who had changed the PE program in Naperville to a fitness-based one. That had been the traditional PE, but he felt that the kids were still not fit. They were still overweight, getting depressed, all the things that he wanted to change in effect.

      So he made a big switch and change in the physical education program, and he got all the kids moving. Everyone started to move, they threw the balls out, so they did running games, they did calisthenics. And a couple of years into it, he realized he was still giving the athletes the best grades. So he said, "Aha, wearable measurement." So he was the first one to use heart rate monitors in gym class. And the average then was 33% of our kids being overweight, now it's 37%. So something was happening and this was a big part of it was this daily fitness-based exercise. So not only were they fit, these kids were with it and smart. Now, we had known about the power of exercise in my field in psychiatry for a long time. Hipprocates wrote about it. However, it was never science, it was never proven. And then Duke University Medical School was very interested in exercise as a treatment for cardiac problems. So they were getting all these post-EMI and angina patients to exercise on treadmills. And the psychologists were seeing if they could change them from type A to B. What they found was remarkable that not only were they less aggressive, less anxious, less stressed, but their mood was better. They were less depressed . So they began then a love affair with exercise and depression, anxiety, aggression in the Department of Psychology and they were falling right along. And then did a whole series of studies throughout the '80s and '90s.We've known this, we know that it has an effect on anxiety and stress, that the more fit you are, the more stress it takes to get you stressed to turn on that sympathetic nervous system, and then the fight or flight syndrome. And now, we are learning why, but we also have an effect in the hippocampus, which is the big center for our work in exercise.

      The hippocampus is the memory center for the brain, a grand central station. We've learned that it's also a controller of anxiety and panic. This is where most of the binding sites for cortisol are in a hippocampus. So when we are stressed, we can learn quicker for a while until we burn out, and that's what happens. If you're chronically stressed, you begin to erode nerve cells. Well, it's also the area of the brain that we have this wonderful process called neurogenesis that occurs. We didn't know that happened before. It was hard for a lot of people to understand it, but we, in fact, grow new nerve cells all the time. That's what neurogenesis is. And we have stem cells and we grow them into this memory area of the brain every day. And activities such as learning, meditation, enjoying, laughing, being with someone, increase the amount of new stem cells that we change into new nerve cells, but nothing does it like exercise

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    10. Thank you so much for helping me ❤️šŸ˜‰

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  4. I want the audio "the concept of rem sleep and the concept of duality of sleep"

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  5. Hey I can share u the audio file or its transcription. Can u help me edit it as per transcribe me requires. Its giving me a hard time.

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  6. Some help me with the audio "Hey, lets, uh, chat about Crustacea for a while"

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  7. Can someone help me with the audio "yes, actually my story starts with"

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    4. Hi! can someone help me with this transcript too? "Yes, actually my story starts.." Thank you so much!

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    5. I Passed with this
      yes, actually, my story starts with somebody from MIT way back, a professor here who went on to win the MacArthur prize and a whole variety of other things, came to me and he said, "Look, I had to stop running the marathon, training for the marathon." : he was one of the early marathoners because he hurt his ankle, and then his knee, and he came in and he said, "look, I have adult-onset Attention Deficit Disorder." He said, "I've never had a problem with attention because I've always been running," and that's what stimulated me to get more into attention with my patients. And then I came back to the whole idea about exercise and its effect on the brain, and I bring my dog who's a Jack Russel, and when I got this dog, I took him to the vet.
      The vet said, "you got to put him on Ritalin." So my understanding, I think our understanding in neuroscience is that we need to move. We are born movers. So that's one of the key concepts. And meaning if we didn't move, we wouldn't be thinkers. If we weren't the queens and kings of movement, we wouldn't be the kinds of thinkers. Now, if you read the New York Times, you see these warnings all the time, "don't sit, sitting is the new smoking Okay," and that's a neat phrase that encapsulates it, and everybody is talking about this and studying it, seeing how much mortality, morbidity is increased as we sit.
      And then we know from studies that when we stand our brains or that a little bit better than we are when we're sitting, so that's why as a lecture, it's very hard to sit and lecture from-- or even with me, I have to move around. So that keeps me focused, and what it does is because we're using muscles to stand, we're using the large skeletal muscle, the core muscles, all that, it feeds back to the brain, switches the brain on which feeds forward to the prefrontal cortex which is where we generate our thoughts and this talk and where we learn as well as perform. Now we're getting more and more data, more and more laboratories are picking up on the effect of movement on the brain.
      It's a watershed event was 1995 coming from worrying about the growing problem down the road with us boomers of Alzheimer's disease and cognitive decline, there was a big MacArthur study, multi-countries looking at what were the things that prevented the onset of cognitive decline and aging. Well, there are three, one was optimal weight, two was continuous learning, three was exercise. Now, even when they factored out the effect on the cardiovascular system, the prevention of stroke, exercise was really the most robust prevention for cognitive decline and Alzheimer's disease. So this started a whole series of reports that really was flowering right in the midst of when neuroscience was beginning to really take off.
      So everyone's interested in it now because we know that the-- a major effector on our brain, probably the most effective thing that we can do, and now we look at our brain as-- we look at it as a muscle, so the more we use it, the better it is, the better it grows. So when we exercise, we're using those nerve cells that we use to think and learn and all of that

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  8. I didn't pass the test with that. It has many errors, please fix that.

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  9. Please can you help me with the '' I'm enough of a nerd to enjoy digging down out of the Zuchman Sawyer's database, and when I do I see two very different chapter's in American history from 1945 to 1981, I see a chapter of prosperity capitalism''

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    2. Email me at rybarno03@gmail.com I passed that one

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    3. can someone help me with this one also

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    4. I Passed with this
      I'm enough of a nerd to enjoy digging data out of the Zucman's size database. And when I do, I see two very different chapters in American history from 1945 to 1981, I see a chapter of prosperity capitalism, or incomes rose for the entire workforce. And from 1981 forward, I see a chapter I would call enrichment capitalism. I wonder if that contrast between prosperity capitalism up to Reagan and enrichment capitalism from Reagan forward has caught other people's attention to?

      Oh, yeah, people like me have been talking about that for decades, literally. I had a 1992 article about that transition. If you look at it as a bar graph, the first post-war generation is this picket fence. And the second generation is a step ladder for the first step of it being below ground in terms of rates of change of income. So no, there's a total transition, everything changes around 1980. Now, if you go a little bit further back, whoever and I think this is also relevant, that middle-class society, the one I grew up in, that period of broadly shared growth, that's not the way America always was. America was a very unequal society in 1929. But it's a quite equal society by 1947. And closer up look at the data says that that happened quite suddenly, it happened really, largely during World War Two. It's what Claudia Goldin calls the Great Compression. So the middle-class society that we had for a generation after World War Two was created by the rise of unions in a favorable political environment, by the use of government power to equalize wages, by high taxes on top incomes. So it's actually telling you that the kind of society we have now is a choice, and I think that's the point. What we're accustomed to, which is that growth is very much concentrated in the hands of a few people, is not a necessity, and in fact, it's not something that's beyond the reach of the political system. We remade ourselves away from a plutocratic society once and we could do it again.

      The question is, how does the race question fit in as an overlay to all of this? And when we talk about the prosperity society was that truly a prosperity society in terms of distribution? We can talk about capital accumulation during 200 years of slavery, there's a new debate about reparations, which is going to permeate a lot of the political discourse. How do you play that out in terms of an analysis and then obviously a political program?

      Yeah, the truth is that despite a lot of overt racism, that postwar period of prosperity even blacks benefited from it. That doesn't mean that there wasn't also a horrific amount of raw racism in the society, but there were benefits for just about everybody. Race played a crucial role in the political transition. If you ask why did politics turn so suddenly rightwards in the United States? And the answer is basically it's the delayed effects of the Civil Rights Act. The New Deal Coalition, sad to say, was a coalition between a pretty liberal social and racial as well group in the North and Southern segregationists who were willing to sign on to a bigger government as long as it didn't endanger white supremacy. Because that point, the South was still quite poor. And so what's happened now is the duration issue is critical to everything races, why the United States doesn't look like other advanced countries in terms of a social safety net. It's central to everything. But maybe we can transcend that. That's one of the big unanswered questions in American politics

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  10. Do you have audio test answers for transcribe me 2021 please reach out to me via email

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  11. If you need help with any transcribeMe audio , whatsapp me on +25459737022

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  12. Let me know if you need the transcript for the 1st audio. I passed it

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  13. can you help me with "so we started recording patients and we learned late really from the patients about a lot of things nocturnal myoclonus we learn more about obstructive sleep apnea ..."

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    1. and so we started recording patients and we learned, really from the patients, about a lot of things: nocturnal myoclonus, we learned a lot more about obstructive sleep apnea, although it had been discovered in Europe in 1965 and-- so I’d say one thing people ask me now, with thousands of people practicing sleep medicine and knowing that sleep disorders are maybe the number one health problem on the planet. “How did you do this?” Well, this is one thing led to another really. Once we’re on the trail, just follow the trail. When I was in New York City at Mount Sinai Hospital, I saw the first patient with narcolepsy, even though I had been interested and kind of been alert. It was the first time and I decided to do an all-night sleep recording. It was literally in 10 seconds after the recording started I knew I had to find the-- it was a REM sleep at the very onset of sleep. We now know that happens in babies and it happens under certain circumstances, but I had never seen that. And so the rest of that recording that night was known, but then they made me their mainstream to come back the next night and the next night. Wow! this makes a lot of sense because REM sleep has some of the mechanisms that are pathological narcolepsy, namely attacks with motor paralysis that are collectively called cataplexy. You know, REM sleep is a period of motor paralysis. So then I cast about for more narcoleptics, and I learned that Allan Rechtschaffen had started the same thing, and between us we were able to accumulate nine patients. So physicians weren’t recognizing it. At any rate that created a tremendous interest and Allan and I were kind of understanding narcolepsy as a abnormal manifestation of REM sleep. And so in a burst of inspiration, I put a tiny little one to add in the San Francisco Chronicle and lo and behold, I got about a 100 replies. I described the symptoms, didn’t name the illness, and I would say about 50 of those replies were absolutely classical narcoleptic patients with cataplexy, hypnagogic hallucinations, sleep paralysis, and of course, being tired and sleepy all the time. The story started with realizing that something as abnormal about REM sleep, and then realizing that the paralysis that occurs during wakefulness can only be the motor inhibitory mechanisms of REM sleep. There’s animal research was progressing where some of these things were starting to be understood that the brain site for the initiation of the motor paralysis in the pons, the studies of the pontine giant cells in the areas around the locus coeruleus, and then projections down to the medulla. And then the group in Pisa had done a magnificent study identifying the specific spinal tract that mediated this motor paralysis and then working the cat was beginning to identify the locations and functions of serotonin neurons and adrenergic systems and dopaminergic systems and-- the first, interestingly, cataplexy this motor inhibition is triggered by sort of eruptive emotion. Well, in dogs, it was a pleasure of eating or play in the puppies so we can actually have all seven dogs become paralyzed together, group cataplexy, very dramatic, and then we began to collaborate. There two people here at Stanford, Roland Serenella and Jack Barkus had a biochemistry laboratories, particularly Jack, and we started working with him and with Roland, and they found there was an abnormally great level of acetylcholine receptors in the pons of the dogs. So we began to be very interested in the acetylcholine system in the dogs

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    2. I did one of my own and passed, I accidentally posted it below on the last post

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  14. Anyone with the audio text starting with; "one can proceed to investigate other questions that lacking that inquiry is necessarily curtailed. For example, no biologist would seek to study the development or the evolution of the eye without a fairly clear conception of what an eye is"

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  15. Anyone have the one started...... modern sciences generally have largely adopted Galileo's methodological guidelines.....

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    1. have you found the transcription for this one?

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    2. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Oq5lMTKJiqE

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    3. well the modern sciences generally have largely adopted Galileo's methodological guideline, which is that, in his view, that nature is simple. It keeps to what you call the easiest and simplest rules. And the task of the scientists then, is to try to demonstrate this fact as fully as possible and to show that the observed variety and diversity of phenomenon is only a superficial manifestation of deeper principles that we have to somehow try to unearth. The physicist Jean Baptiste Perrin put the mater in his Nobel prize lecture. This way he said the essential art of science is reduction of complex visibles to simple invisibles. These have been quiet useful guideline for the study of language as well. Well, for language, the task is to determine how closely language approximates what we might call minimal recursion, optimal recursive operations. And to do so within the boundary conditions that are set by the interface conditions which come from outside language. In the early days of modern generative grammar 50, 60 years ago, it seem that highly
      complex and intricate assumptions were needed to account for the variety of linguistic data. It also seem that languages could differ in almost every imaginable way. Although it was recognized this could not possibly be true, or else language could ever be acquired by a child. Incidentally rather similar views were held by biologists about the variety of organisms, could be anything imaginable. Over the years it's turned out it's very narrow limited restrictions. Well, over the years, something similar has happened in the study of language. It's been shown, I think, convincingly that a good deal of the complexity that can be striped away and that the variety of languages is quiet narrowly constrained much more so than appeared to be the case. In recent years, the study of the enquiry into this topic has gotten a different name, it's been called the minimalist program. That's not a sharp departure from what preceded, on a contrary, it's a seamless continuation of the effort to show that if we can gain a proper perspective, proper point of view on language, it will be seen to be fundamentally simple, following the simplest rules, like other, many other aspects of nature that seem hopelessly complex and when they are not understood. The minimalist program does introduce some new research suggestions. One of them is to take as a starting point, what's sometimes called the strong minimalist thesis. The ides is first postulate what the simplest theory of our language would be, and then take a look at the innumerable apparent departures from this and try to show that they are misunderstood, that if they can be understood within a different perspective, then they'll be shown to fall within a principle simple framework of principles

      idk how accurate this is as i've not submitted it, pls check and make corrections if any mistake is present.

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    4. I PASSED WITH THIS......
      well, the modern sciences generally have largely adapted Galileo's methodological guideline which is his view that nature is simple, it keeps to what he called the easiest and simplest rules, and the task of the scientists were then is to try to demonstrate this fact as fully as possible and to show that the observed variety and diversity of phenomena is only a superficial manifestation of deeper principles that we have to somehow try to unearth. Physicist Jean Baptiste Perrin put the matter in his Nobel Prize lecture "this way," he said "the essential art of science is the reduction of complex visibles to simple invisible." These have been quite useful guidelines, for the study of language as well. Well, for language then, the task is to determine how closely language approximates what we might call minimal recursion, optimal recursive operations, and to do so within the boundary conditions that are set by the interface conditions which come from outside language. In the early days of modern generative grammar, 50,60 years ago, it seemed that highly complex, and intricate assumptions were needed to account for the variety of linguistic data. It also seemed that language could differ in almost every imaginable way, although it way recognized that this could not possibly be true or else no language could ever be acquired by a child. Incidentally, rather similar views were held by biologists about the variety of organisms [inaudible] anything imaginable. Over the years it's turned out with very narrow limited restrictions.

      Well, over the years something similar has happened in the study of language. It's been shown, I think convincingly, that a good deal of the complexity, it can be stripped away, and that the variety of languages, is quite narrowly constrained much more so than appeared to be the case. In recent years, the study of the inquiry of this topic has gotten a different name, it's been called The Minimalist Program, but that's not a sharp departure from what preceded, on the contrary, it's a seamless continuation of the effort to show that if we can gain a proper perspective, and proper point of view on language that if will be seen to be fundamentally simple. Following the simplest rules like many other aspects of nature that seem hopelessly complex when there're not understood. the Minimalist Program does introduce some good research suggestion, one of them is to take as a starting point, what's sometimes called the Strong Minimalist Thesis. The idea is first postulate what the simplest theory of a language would be and then take a look at the innumerable apparent departures from this and try to show that there're misunderstood, but if they can be understood within a different perspective, then they'll be shown to fall within a simple framework of principles

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    5. You passed with this answer as it is? Can I write it exactly, and I'll be sure to pass? It's my last retry, and I don't want to wait 30 days :')

      Delete
    6. May i ask if you tried using that answer and how did it go?

      Delete
  16. No can you perhaps help, it is extremely difficult.

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  17. me too, need help. its kinda hard. i think we will have to work together to get it done!!

    ReplyDelete
  18. I PASSED WITH THIS......
    and so, we started recording patients and we learned, really from the patients, about a lot of things- nocturnal myoclonus. We learned a lot more about obstructive sleep apnea, although it had been discovered in Europe in 1965. So I'd say, one thing people ask me now with thousands of people practicing sleep medicine and knowing that sleep disorders are maybe the number one health problem on the planet. "How did you do this?' Well, just one thing led to another really. Once we're on the trail, just follow the trail. When I was in New York City at Mount Sinai Hospital, I saw the first patient with narcolepsy, even though I had been interested and kind of been alert. It was the first time and I decided to do an all-night sleep recording. It was literally in 10 seconds after the recording started I knew I had a finding, it was a REM sleep at the very onset of sleep. We now know that happens in babies and it happens under certain circumstances, but I had never seen that. And so the rest of that recording that night was normal, but then [inaudible] for him to come back the next night and the next night. This makes a lot of sense because REM sleep has some of the mechanisms that are pathological narcolepsy, namely attacks the motor paralysis that are collectively called cataplexy. You know, REM sleep is a period of motor paralysis. So then I cast about for more narcoleptics, and I learned that Allan Rechtschaffen had started the same thing, and between us we were able to accumulate nine patients. So physicians weren't recognizing it. At any rate that created a tremendous interest and Allan and I were kind of understanding narcolepsy as a abnormal manifestation of REM sleep. And so in a burst of inspiration, I put a tiny little wanted ad in the San Francisco Chronicle and lo and behold, I got about 100 replies. I described the symptoms, didn't name the illness, and I would say about 50 of those replies were absolutely classical narcoleptic patients with cataplexy, hypnagogic hallucinations, sleep paralysis, and of course being tired and sleepy all the time.
    The story started with realizing that something is abnormal about REM sleep, and then realizing that the paralysis that occurs during wakefulness can only be the motor inhibitory mechanisms of REM sleep. Animal research was progressing where some of these things were starting to be understood that the brain site for the initiation of the motor paralysis in the Pons, the studies of the Pontine giant cells in the areas around the locus coeruleus, and then projections down to the medulla. And then the group in Pisa had done a magnificent study identifying the specific spinal tract that mediated this motor paralysis and then [inaudible] was beginning to identify the locations and functions of serotonin neurons and adrenergic systems and dopaminergic systems. The first, interestingly, cataplexy this motor inhibition is triggered by sort of eruptive emotion. Well, in dogs, it was a pleasure of eating or play in puppies, so we can actually have all seven dogs become paralyzed together, group cataplexy, very dramatic, and then we began to collaborate. There're two people here at Stanford, Roland Serenella and Jack Barkus had biochemistry laboratories, particularly Jack, and we started working with him and with Roland, and they found there was a abnormally great level of acetylcholine receptors in the Pons of the dogs. So we began to be very interested in the acetylcholine system of the dogs

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  19. Can anyone help me with....... yes actually my story starts with somebody from MIT......

    PLEASE??

    ReplyDelete
  20. I also passed with this
    and so, we started recording patients, and we learned really, from patients about a lot of things- nocturnal myoclonus. We learned a lot more about obstructive sleep apnea, although it had been discovered in Europe in 1965. So I'd say, one thing people ask me now with thousands of people practicing sleep medicine, knowing that sleep disorder are maybe the number one health problem on the planet. "How did you do this?" Well, this is just one thing led to another really. Once we're on the trail, just follow the trail. When I was in New York City at Mount Sinai Hospital, I saw the first patient with narcolepsy. Even though I had been interested and kind of been alert, it was the first time, and I decided to do an all-night sleep recording. It was literally in 10 seconds after the recording started, I knew I had a finding. It was a REM sleep at the very onset of sleep. We now know that happens in babies, and it happens under certain circumstances, but I had never seen that. And so the rest of the recording that night was normal, but that made me [inaudible] to come back the next night and the next night. This makes a lot of sense because REM sleep has some of the mechanisms that are pathological narcolepsy, namely attacks of motor paralysis that are collectively called cataplexy. You know, REM sleep is a period of motor paralysis. So then I cast about for more narcoleptics, and I learned that Allan Rechtschaffen had started the same thing, and between us, we were able to accumulate nine patients. So physicians weren't recognizing it. At any rate, that created a tremendous interest, and Allan and I were kind of understanding narcolepsy as a abnormal manifestation of REM sleep. And so, in a burst of inspiration, I had put a tiny little wanted ads in San Francisco Chronicle, and lo and behold, I got about 100 replies. I described the symptoms, didn't name the illness, and I would say about 50 of those replies were absolutely classical narcoleptic patients with cataplexy, hypnagogic hallucinations, sleep paralysis, and of course, being tired and sleepy all the time.
    The story started with realizing that something is abnormal about REM sleep and then realizing that the paralysis that occurs during wakefulness can only be the motor inhibitory mechanisms of REM sleep. The animal research was progressing where some of these things were starting to be understood that the brain site for the initiation of the motor paralysis in the Pons, the studies of the Pontine giant cells in the areas around the locus coeruleus, and then projections down to the medulla. And then, the group in Pisa had done a magnificent study identifying the specific spinal tract that mediated this motor paralysis. And then work in the cat was beginning to identify the locations and functions of serotonin neurons and adrenergic systems and dopaminergic systems. And the first- interestingly, cataplexy, this motor inhibition is triggered by sort of eruptive emotion. While in dogs, it was a pleasure of eating or play in the puppies, so we could actually have all seven dogs become paralyzed together, group cataplexy, very dramatic, and then we began to collaborate. There are two people here at Standford, Roland Serenella and Jack Barkus had biochemistry laboratories, particularly Jack, and we started working with him and with Roland, and they found there was an abnormally great level of acetylcholine receptors in the Pons of the dogs. So we began to be very interested in the acetylcholine system in the dogs

    ReplyDelete
  21. can someone help on this exam about "The head of the CDC said that exercise...."

    ReplyDelete
  22. Hi. Can someone please help me with the audio "at some point I summarized this"? I have failed it before :-(

    ReplyDelete
  23. anyone who can help me with the one for, "they came into that conclusion. The head of the CDC said they had exercise the best.... of medicine

    ReplyDelete
  24. Can someone please help with..... at some point I summarized all of the studies that have been done until that point...

    Please I am on my last retry???

    ReplyDelete
  25. at some point, I summarized all of the studies that have been done until that point, and most of them were running at 80% dream recall from REM sleep, 5 to 10 percent of dream recall from non-REM sleep, and in my opinion, the-- there was also a tremendous difference in the description of the content that often the dreaming recalls from non-REM sleep would be very abbreviated, very static, containing very little imagery, whereas the recall from REM sleep is a huge, long, vivid, real-world type story. Now frankly, in today, in the year 2004, I don't quite know what to make of all the controversy. I cannot imagine that the physiological differences between non-REM sleep and REM sleep don't account for something. The fact that our motor output is inhibited, in this very, very powerful and orderly fashion and why? So we can elaborate all of the motor output that's going on in the dream world, without jumping out of bed, and there is an illness where that system fails and you do jump out of bed when you dream. If I were young, I might just go over all that ground again with some new techniques and whatnot to convince myself, what is the difference, if any between non-REM sleep and REM sleep, and I think one would show, there are differences. Now, the usual interpretation of these differences today is that number one, they're mainly quantitative. And in cats, and in other animals, there are spontaneous bursts of activity generated in the brainstem that flow to the rest of the brain, that start to build up in non-REM sleep. And I would say, Hobson McCarley and perhaps others think, okay, there's kind of a stimulation in non-REM sleep, that allows some elaboration of dream imagery. And, if it could be shown that this imagery gets more and more intense as you approach the onset of the REM period, I think that would be a nice way to look at it. But, I did an awful lot of that work, and as far as I was concerned the recall from non-REM sleep is kind of perfunctory and once in a while someone would come out and I have to say, "Yeah, I guess I was biased." because I would say, okay this person is prevaricating or confabulating, but those were the exceptions for me, and I think early on we thought that it was a definition, that the exponent of non-REM dreaming from the Rechtschaffen laboratory was a scientist by the name David Faulkes, and some of his early work, if you said, "oh yes, so it was one word, I think I was thinking about a plate and saucer." Okay that's a dream. And then there was some work looking at the definition and I would say that it showed differences. But I want to believe, I don't know why, REM sleep is dreaming sleep. Now, is non-REM sleep also dreaming sleep? I think that question is not an absolute fact. Nobody's really out there taking care of patients who have sleep problems. And, although there have been some clinical studies from the research point of view, few, Dr. Anthony Kales and UCLA, nobody had ever offered a service. So, in the summer of 1970, with great fanfare we had a press conference, one reporter showed up, we opened the world's first sleep disorders clinic for the diagnosis and treatment of sleep disorders. And, we hardly knew what we were doing, but you learn very quickly because we had the all-night test. And that was tough because the people who licensed medical practice in the State Sacramento, couldn't understand that you'd have a clinic that was open at night. So you have a clinic, or you have a hospital, but there's nothing in between

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  26. Just passed with the above one

    ReplyDelete
  27. Can someone please help with the...... modern sciences???

    Please?

    ReplyDelete
  28. Just passed with the below šŸ˜ŠšŸ˜ŠšŸ˜Š

    well, the modern times has generally have largely adopted Galileo's methodological guideline which is that he in his view, that the nature is simple. It keeps to what he called the easiest and simplest rules and the task of the scientist then is to try to demonstrate this fact as fully as possible. And to show that the observed variety and diversity of phenomenon is only a superficial manifestation of deeper principles that we have to somehow try to unearth. Physicist John Baptiste Perrin put the matter in his Nobel Prize lecture this way, he said, "The essential art of science is reduction of complex visibles to simple invisibles." These have been quite useful guidelines for the study of language as well. Well for language then, the task is to determine how closely language approximates what we might call minimal recursion, optimal recursive operations and to do so within the boundary conditions that are set by the interface conditions, which come from outside language. In the early days of modern generative grammar, 50, 60 years ago, it seemed that highly complex and intricate assumptions were needed to account for the variety of linguistic data. It also seemed that languages could differ in almost every imaginable way. Although it was recognized that this could not possibly be true or else no language could ever be acquired by a child. Incidentally rather, similar views were held by biologists about the variety of organisms that could be anything imaginable. Over the years that's turned out with very narrow and limited restrictions. Well, over the years something similar has happened in the study of language. It's been shown I think convincingly that a good deal of the complexity, it can be stripped away and that the variety of languages is quite narrowly constrained much more so than it appeared to be the case. In recent years, the study of the inquiry into this topic has gotten a different name. It's been called the Minimalist Program, but that's not a sharp departure from what precede. On the contrary it's a seamless continuation of the effort to show that if we can gain a proper perspective - a proper point of view on language, it will be seen to be fundamentally simple, following the simplest rules like other many other aspects of nature that seemed hopelessly complex when they're not understood. The Minimalist Program does introduce some new research suggestions. One of them is to take as a starting point, of what's sometimes called the Strong Minimalist Thesis. The idea's to first postulate what the simplest theory of a language would be and then take a look at the innumerable apparent departures from this and try to show that they're misunderstood. That if they can be understood within a different perspective, then they'll be shown to fall within a principle, simple framework of principles

    ReplyDelete
  29. Hello, can someone kindly help with the "..and the data is there, and they came into the conclusion...CDC..."

    ReplyDelete
  30. Huh šŸ˜„ anyone with the one .. am not a nerd.. kindly help

    ReplyDelete
  31. Anyone can answer the head of cdc?

    ReplyDelete
  32. can someone give this transcription
    yes, actually my story starts with someone [inaudible] my teeth way back.

    ReplyDelete
  33. Please help, I'm on the "I think Ritalin, Methylphenidate, was developed for the treatment of Narcolepsy maybe in the '40s or early '50s..."

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. I need the answer to this one please!

      Delete
    2. did you get it? I need help with this one too

      Delete
    3. no, I tried my best on the first attempt but failed. I'm waiting for someone to help before I try again.

      Delete
    4. I've not gotten it either, I failed the first attempt and am awaiting someone that has been successful. :')

      Delete
    5. same here, if someone has it please share :'(

      Delete
    6. Guys, can you please post the text that you used on your first attempt? It doesn't matter if it wasn't successful, I will try my best on correcting it and in case it worked I will share it with you. Thanks

      Delete
    7. Can you please try to correct this? I failed the first time and I don't want to fail another. Thank you in advance!

      I think Ritalin methylphenidate was developed for the treatment of narcolepsy maybe in the '40s or early '50s. And then nothing new for years and years and years. And finally, in France, a new compound modafinil was developed. And I believe Michael Gervais was one of the first to kind of study its use in it. It was used in France in the treatment of narcolepsy. It was a stimulant but it was not clearly really similar to either amphetamine or Ritalin and when Emmanuel Mignot came here to Stanford to study modafinil and the narcoleptic dogs. Firstly, it was an alpha adrenergic agonist and it was a dopaminergic agonist and nothing really panned out. And I think, even today, the mechanism of action is not clearly known. Obviously, for Ritalin and amphetamine, it is known, it causes increased release of monoamines. And it's also interesting because claims were made that did not have a recovery rebound in sleep in animals, rodents, primarily if you kept them awake for a day with modafinil, whereas if you kept them awake for a day with amphetamine, there would be a sleep recovery rebound. Now, that research has not been carried out far there. In other words, I don't-- I'm not aware that anyone has ever said if you would continually infuse modafinil for say, three days or a week that you would still not have a sleep recovery rebound, and it's kind of amazing to me, because that's that would be Wow, if you really truly could replace sleep, then you could-- you'd have a new way to study the function of sleep. But this simply hasn't been done. I had a postdoctoral fellow that I had no funds to do this by persuaded him to do a little tiny pilot study. And I think we felt there was some sleep rebound if we kept animals awake for two days, but it's got to be done.
      Meanwhile, monogamy has been marketed very aggressively by the pharmaceutical company. And I think there's kind of almost like a false image in society that modafinil can replace sleep. Now, it does have a major advantage over the amphetamines and Ritalin. And in that it, you don't get wired, I think is what undergraduates would say. It doesn't have that stimulating effect that you even feel with caffeine, it just seems to-- if you take it, you don't get sleepy. Now, that's fine, narcotic patients take modafinil in the morning and they're more wakeful during the day. And then they can sleep at night. And it doesn't seem to interfere with the sleep cycle, in the proper dosage. But, that's right now, the end of the story, it's just being so aggressively marketed that it's starting to be-- first of all, it's very, very safe. It's not a triplicate prescription in California, and the company tried very hard to have it as an over the counter compounding that would be based again on its very low abuse potential. And this sort of absence of the kind of euphoria genic effect that that leads to abuse with other compounds. But I think that we are now in a society where everyone wants to work and succeed and study and this and that so, the temptation to abuse is very, very great and it isn't for pleasure.

      Delete
    8. I need this audio please someone help

      Delete
    9. I tried with this answer today and failed, this one is so hard.

      I think Ritalin, Methylphenidate, was developed for the treatment of narcolepsy maybe in the '40s or early '50s and then nothing new for years, and years, and years. Finally in France a new compound Modafinil was developed, and I believe [inaudible] Gervais was one of the first to study its use and it was used in France in the treatment of narcolepsy. It was a stimulant but it was not really similar to either amphetamine or Ritalin, and when Emmanuel Mignot came here to Stamford to study Modafinil and the narcoleptic dogs, firstly, I thought it was an alpha-adrenergic agonist then it was a dopaminergic agonist and nothing really panned out. I think even today the mechanism of action is not clearly known. Obviously, for Ritalin and amphetamine, it is known. It causes increased release of monoamines. And it's also interesting because claims were made that you did not have a recovery rebound in sleep, In animals, rodents primarily, if you kept them awake for a day with Modafinil, whereas if you kept them awake for a day with amphetamine, there would be a sleep recovery rebound. Now, that research has not been carried out further. In other words, I'm not aware that anyone is demonstrating, if you would, continually infuse Modafinil for, say, three days or a week that you would still not have a sleep recovery rebound. And it's kind of amazing to me because that would be, wow! If you really, truly, could replace sleep, then you could have a new way to study the function of sleep. But, this simply hasn't been done. I had a postdoctoral fellow that had no funds to do this but I persuaded him to do a little tiny pilot study. And I think we felt there was some sleep rebound if we kept animals awake for two days but it's got to be done.
      Meanwhile, Modafinil's been marketed very aggressively by the pharmaceutical company, and I think there's almost like a false image in society that Modafinil can replace sleep. Now, it does have a major advantage over amphetamines and Ritalin in that you don't "Get wired" I think is what the undergraduates would say. It doesn't have that stimulating effect as you even feel with caffeine. It just seems to-- if you take it you don't get sleepy. Now, that's fine, narcoleptic patients take Modafinil in the morning and they're more wakeful during the day, and then they can sleep at night and it doesn't seem to interfere with the sleep cycle with the proper dosage. But right now the end of the story, it's just being so aggressively marketed that it's starting to be-- first of all, it's very, very safe. It's not a triplicate prescription in California, and the company tried very hard to have it as an over-the-counter compound. And that would be based on its very low abuse potential, and its sort of absence of the kind of euphorigenic effect that leads to abuse with other compounds. But I think that we are now in the society where everyone wants to work, and succeed, and study, and this and that, so the temptations to abuse it is very very great and it isn't for pleasure

      Delete
    10. This comment has been removed by the author.

      Delete
    11. I wrote this myself and I passed, try this...

      I think Ritalin, methylphenidate was developed for the treatment of narcolepsy, maybe in the '40s or early '50s, and then nothing new for years and years and years. Finally in France a new compound, Modafinil was developed, and I believe Michel Jouvet was one of the first to come study its use and it was used in France in the treatment of narcolepsy. It was a stimulant but it was not clearly really similar to either amphetamine or Ritalin, and when Emmanuel Mignot came here to Stanford to study Modafinil and the narcoleptic dogs, firstly, I thought it was an alpha-adrenergic agonist then it was a dopaminergic agonist and nothing really panned out. And I think even today the mechanism of action is not clearly known. Obviously, for Ritalin and amphetamine, it is known. It causes increased release of monoamines. And it's also interesting because claims were made that you did not have a recovery rebound in sleep, in animals, rodents primarily if you kept them awake for a day with Modafinil, whereas if you kept them awake for a day with amphetamine, there would be a sleep recovery rebound. Now, that research has not been carried out further. In other words, I'm not aware that anyone is demonstrating if you would continually infuse Modafinil for, say, three days or a week that you would still not have a sleep recovery rebound. And it's kind of amazing to me because that would be, wow! If you really, truly could replace sleep, then you could have a new way to study the function of sleep. But this simply hasn't been done. I had a postdoctoral fellow that had no funds to do this but I persuaded him to do a little tiny pilot study and I think we felt there was some sleep rebound if we kept animals awake for two days, but it's got to be done.
      Meanwhile, Modafinil's been marketed very aggressively by the pharmaceutical company, and I think there's almost like a false image in society that Modafinil can replace sleep. Now, it does have a major advantage over the amphetamines and Ritalin in that you don't, "Get wired," I think is what the undergraduates would say. It doesn't have that stimulating effect as you even feel with caffeine. It just seems to-- if you take it you don't get sleepy. Now, that's fine, narcoleptic patients take Modafinil in the morning and they're more wakeful during the day, and then they can sleep at night and it doesn't seem to interfere with the sleep cycle in the proper dosage. Right now, the end of the story, it's just being so aggressively marketed that it's starting to be-- first of all, it's very, very safe. It's not a triplicate prescription in California, and the company tried very hard to have it as an over-the-counter compound. And that would be based again on its very low abuse potential, and the sort of absence of the kind of euphorigenic effect that leads to abuse with other compounds. But I think that we are now in the society where everyone wants to work, and succeed, and study, and this and that, so the temptation to abuse it is very, very great and it isn't for pleasure.

      Delete
    12. I did as above but failed.

      Delete
  34. Does anyone have the one that starts with "but we knew that what was curing the inherited model was a single recessive gene...''

    Please?

    ReplyDelete
  35. Can anyone help me with one that starts with "I think [inaudible] was developed for the treat meant of narcolepsy"

    ReplyDelete
  36. But we knew that what was carrying the inherited model was a single recessive gene. And it was about 1984. They started being interested in genetic factors in hearing narcolepsy, that I was absolutely convinced that we could just keep this colony going, it would pay off. And then my young colleague came from France where a new stimulant we call the sun the lytic. It prevents sleepiness. And he wanted to test it on the dogs. I think in so doing, he got very interested in in this animal model and he elected to stay here I think he made his decision about 1986. At that time, we were starting to now be very interested in trying to find DNA markers in the dogs and also to further explore the neuro chemistry although he knew we were going to isolate the gene find out what what it expressed in the gene expressed an abnormal receptor of a brand new neuropeptide as they call it, or rexon. I'm not sure who named it also hypo cretin, but we we prefer the hypo cretin, and the this abnormal receptor was in was in all of the dogs that were tested in in the brainstem and well throughout the brain. By this time, the hyper cretin system is being mapped both by people in our laboratories and other places in it. This is a relatively small cluster of neurons in the hypothalamus and then projecting both in a descending fashion in a sending fashion throughout the brain. And then of course for that finding in the dogs began to look in human spinal human narcoleptic spinal fluid and found that hypocretin was absent. The next step there was to look at brain bank material of narcoleptic patients. And lo and behold, that hyper cretin system is either they couldn't find cells or just very few degenerated cells so that at that point, one could say the cause of narcolepsy is the is the abnormal hypo cretin, neuronal system. And I think that's been called the biggest breakthrough in sleep research, identifying hyper cretin system as underlying normal alerting and modifying all the other systems that are involved in sleep and wakefulness, the biggest breakthrough in sleep research since the discovery of rapid eye movements during sleep. I think the best analogy is the circadian waking phenomena that is under the control of the biological clock. And this can be precisely measured that there's a time when you become much more alert, there's a time when you become less alert. And that's a 20 as a 24 hour period density. And if the biological clock is destroyed is 10,000 neurons, all that disappears, including cellular mitosis, and on and on and on. So here's this tiny nucleus mediating this massive cluster of waking phenomena or alerting phenomena, if you will. And then it turns off, and permissively allows sleep to be actively induced. Now, a lot of the systems that are involved in wakefulness and sleep are known but in the same way, I think we're going to find that there is a small area of the hypothalamus that is, is crucial for responding to sleep loss primarily for building up this strong sleep Tennessee. And we now know that wakefulness is sleep deprivation, as in elegant studies of of human humans using what's called a internal the synchronization. Charles sizer at Harvard dissociated circadian rhythms from sleep wake schedules and show that all during wakefulness in this protocol, the sleep tendency increases and then is lessened during the period of sleep that follows and that's completely independent of the circadian rhythms. So there's a tiny area that is the sleep homeostatic and exactly analogous to the biological clock, which then mediates all the other systems that participate in sleep and wakefulness.

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. did you pass it? can you send it to me?

      Delete
    2. I passed with this:

      but we knew that what was carrying the inherited model was a single recessive gene. And it was about 1984, there started being interest in genetic factors in human narcolepsy that I was absolutely convinced that if we could just keep this colony going, it would pay off. And then, my young colleague came from France where a new stimulant we call the somnolytic, it prevents sleepiness, and he wanted to test it on the dogs. I think in so doing, he got very interested in this animal model, and he elected to stay here. I think he made his decision in about 1986. At that time, we were starting to now be very interested in trying to find DNA markers in the dogs, and also to further explore the neurochemistry, although he knew we were going to isolate the gene, find out what it expressed, and the gene expressed an abnormal receptor of a brand new neuropeptide. They call it, orexin. I'm not sure who named it also hypocretin, but we prefer the hypocretin. And this abnormal receptor was in all the dogs that were tested in the brain stem-- well, throughout the brain.
      By this time, the hypocretin system was being mapped both by people in our laboratories and other places. And this is a relatively small cluster of neurons in the hypothalamus, and then projecting both in a descending fashion and a sending fashion throughout the brain. And then of course, with that finding in the dogs, we began to look in human spinal-- in human narcoleptic spinal fluid and found that hypocretin was absent. The next step there was to look at brain bank material of narcoleptic patients. And lo and behold, that hypocretin system is either-- they couldn't find cells or just a very few degenerated cells. So at that point, one could say the cause of narcolepsy is the abnormal hypocretin neuronal system. And I think that's been called the biggest breakthrough in sleep research, identifying hypocretin system as underlying normal alerting and modifying all the other systems that are involved in sleep and wakefulness, the biggest breakthrough in sleep research since the discovery of rapid eye movements during sleep.
      I think the best analogy is the circadian waking phenomena that is under the control of the biological clock. And this can be precisely measured. There's a time when you become much more alert, and there's a time when you become less alert, and that's a 24 hour period density. And if the biological clock is destroyed, there's 10,000 neurons, all that disappears, including cellular mitosis and on and on and on. So here's this tiny nucleus mediating this massive cluster of waking phenomena or alerting phenomena, if you will, and then it turns off, and permissively, allows sleep to be actively induced. Now, a lot of the systems that are involved in wakefulness and sleep are known. But in the same way, I think we're going to find that there is a small area of the hypothalamus that is crucial for responding to sleep loss, primarily, for building up this strong sleep tendency. And we now know that wakefulness is sleep deprivation. As in elegant studies of humans, using what's called a internal desynchronization, Charles Czeisler at Harvard, dissociated circadian rhythms from sleep wake schedules, and showed that all during wakefulness, in this protocol, the sleep tendency increases and then is lessened during the period of sleep that follows, and that's completely independent of the circadian rhythms. So there's a tiny area that is the sleep homeostasis and exactly analogous to the biological clock, which then, mediated all the other systems that participate in sleep and wakefulness

      Delete
    3. This is completely incorrect, for anyone who needs it I just passed this one with the following:

      but we knew that what was carrying the inherited model was a single recessive gene, and it was about 1984. They started being interested in genetic factors in human narcolepsy, that I was absolutely convinced that we could just keep this colony going, it would pay off. And then my young colleague came from France where a new stimulant we call the somnolytic. It prevents sleepiness. And he wanted to test it on the dogs. I think in doing so he got very interested in this animal model and he elected to stay here. I think he made his decision about 1986. At that time, we were starting to now be very interested in trying to find DNA markers in the dogs and also to further explore the neurochemistry although he knew we were going to isolate the gene, find out what it expressed. And the gene expressed an abnormal receptor of a brand new neuropeptide as they call it orexin, I'm not sure who named it also hypocretin. But we prefer the hypocretin, and this abnormal receptor was in all of the dogs that were tested in the brainstem and well throughout the brain.

      By this time, the hypocretin system is being mapped both by people in our laboratories and other places. This is a relatively small cluster of neurons in the hypothalamus and then projecting both in a descending fashion and ascending fashion throughout the brain. +++And then of course with that finding in the dogs began to look in human narcoleptic spinal fluid and found that hypocretin was absent. The next step then was to look at brain bank material of narcoleptic patients. And lo and behold, the hypocretin system is either they couldn't find cells or just very few degenerated cells so that at that point one could say the cause of narcolepsy is the abnormal hypocretin neuronal system. And I think that's been called the biggest breakthrough in sleep research, identifying hypocretin system as underlying normal alerting and modifying all the other systems that are involved in sleep and wakefulness, the biggest breakthrough in sleep research since the discovery of rapid eye movements during sleep.

      I think the best analogy is the circadian waking phenomena that is under the control of the biological clock. And this can be precisely measured that there's a time when you become much more alert, there's a time when you become less alert. And that's has a 24 hour period density. And if the biological clock is destroyed , this 10,000 neurons, all that disappears. Including cellular mitosis, and on and on and on. So here's this tiny nucleus mediating this massive cluster of waking phenomena or alerting phenomena, if you will. And then it turns off, and permissively allows sleep to be actively induced. Now a lot of the systems that are involved in wakefulness and sleep are known but in the same way, I think we're going to find that there is a small area of the hypothalamus that is crucial for responding to sleep loss primarily for building up this strong sleep tendency. And we now know that wakefulness is sleep deprivation, as in elegant studies of humans using what's called a internal synchronization. Charles Sizler at Harvard dissociated circadian rhythms from sleep-wake schedules and showed that all during wakefulness in this protocol, the sleep tendency increases and then is lessened during the period of sleep that follows. And that's completely independent of the circadian rhythms. So there's a tiny area that is the sleep homeostat and exactly analogous to the biological clock, which then mediates all the other systems that participate in sleep and wakefulness

      Delete
    4. Please email to divinekhumalo6@gmail.com

      Delete
  37. I passed with this
    I think ritalin methylphenidate was developed for the treatment of narcolepsy maybe in the '40s or early '50s and then nothing new for years and years and years. And finally in France a new compound modafinil was developed and I believe Jean Michel Jouvet was one of the first to come study its use and it was used in France in the treatment of narcolepsy.
    It was a stimulant but it was not clearly, really similar to either amphetamine or ritalin, and when Emmanuel Mignot came here to Stanford to study modafinil in the narcoleptic dogs. Firstly, I thought it was an alpha adrenergic agonist then it was a dopaminergic agonist and nothing really panned out. And I think even today the mechanism of action is not clearly known. Obviously, for ritalin and amphetamine it is known it causes increased release of monoamines. And it's also interesting because claims were made that you did not have a recovery rebound in sleep. In animals, rodents primarily if you kept them awake for a day with modafinil whereas if you kept them awake for a day with amphetamine there would be a sleep recovery rebound. Now, that research has not been carried out further. In other words, I'm not aware that anyone is demonstrating, if you would continually infuse modafinil for say three days or a week that you would still not have a sleep recovery rebound. And it's kind of amazing to me because that would be wow. If you really truly could replace sleep, then you'd have a new way to study the function of sleep, but this simply hasn't been done. I had a postdoctoral fellow that had no funds to do this but I persuaded him to do a little tiny pilot study. And I think we felt there was some sleep rebound if we kept animals awake for two days but it's got to be done.
    Meanwhile, modafinil's been marketed very aggressively by the pharmaceutical company and I think there's kind of almost like a false image in society that modafinil can replace sleep. Now, it does have a major advantage over the amphetamines and ritalin in that it you don't get wired I think is what undergraduates would say. It doesn't have that stimulating effect that you even feel with caffeine. It just seems to--if you take it you don't get sleepy. Now, that's fine, narcoleptic patients take modafinil in the morning and they're more wakeful during the day, and then they can sleep at night and it doesn't seem to interfere with the sleep cycle in the proper dosage. But that's right now the end of the story, it's just being so aggressively marketed that it's starting to be--first of all, it's very very safe. It's not a triplicate prescription in California and the company tried very hard to have it as an over the counter compound. And that would be based again on its very low abuse potential and this sort of absence of the kind of euphorigenic effect that leads to abuse with other compounds. But I think that we are now in a society where everyone wants to work and succeed and study and this and that, so the temptation to abuse it is very very great, and it isn't for pleasure

    ReplyDelete
  38. Hi, anyone has a better answer for the following cause I failed with this :(

    "recognized the limits of studying human behavior. As long as the public has expectations, people are going to come forward, and they're going to either pretend or actually believe that they can do more than what really is in their power. This pretense of knowledge itself can be counterproductive to society, and potentially harmful. So how do we guard against that? And that is the real challenge here. Okay. So I like to build mathematical models, and there's kind of a description of these that I have kind of grown to like, quantitative storytelling. So they have mathematical models. So they look all kind of formal, sophisticated, very, very impressive at some level. They are mathematical with numerical inputs. They are there to further our understanding, and in many cases to support policy analysis. Of course, the monetary policy, all the different FEDS, regional FEDS, the ECB, all have kind of their model builders. The same is true of the climate scientists. The same is true across lots of-- the same is true of other entities in government, including the CBO, and the likes. So I call it quantitative storytelling, because these models are not really full descriptions of reality. We make a bunch of simplifying assumptions in order to make them tractable. We make simplifications to make them revealing, and insightful, to be transparent, that we can do stuff with them, and really get an understanding. They're complex descriptions of reality that wouldn't be very useful anyway. But there are simplifications. What are their ingredients? Substantive knowledge. There's some type of model formalism to them, and empirical evidence. And the formalism gives them structure, and it helps to facilitate communication. And there's really we want to draw on empirical evidence. But the models are sometimes wrong, they are wrong by design, to say they are wrong is by itself not much of an insight.
    So how do we deal with them? Interesting question. What does uncertainty emerge here? So now when I think about these models, it's kind of quantitative storytelling with multiple stories. So different researchers had built different models. The models have different implications. Different economic papers do formal analysis of these each different stories. But if you want to gauge an sensible-- in putting policy analysis, we have to somehow figure out a way to combine these stories, to think across stories, and think about implications across stories. Not necessarily just in a one or the other, because in may sets of circumstances, there's no reason it'll be all in one or the other. So looking at class models is a very important task, I believe. Each model has so-called randomness. Usually when we think about uncertainty, we think about things with probability distributions, normal distributions, and things like that. These models have random impulses, they have things where you have fully probabilistic specifications that require numerical inputs. But there's multiple versions on them, and each such model is itself an abstraction. As I said, these stories are not really intended to be recordings of actual histories, or complete descriptions of reality. Such as both invisible and would not be terribly insightful. So how do we use models that are wrong? That's kind of an interesting challenge. So on certainty, we typically think about it in economic classes when we teach about risk. We always use this term risk. But looking at class models, and how to take them in this abstraction question-- I mean these are also very important tasks in many respects, maybe even more important"

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. I passed with this

      recognize the limits of studying human behavior. As long as the public has expectations people are going to come forward, and they're going to either pretend or actually believe that they can do more than what really is in their power. This pretense of knowledge itself can be counterproductive for society and potentially harmful. So how do we guard against that? And that's the real challenge here. Okay, so I like to build mathematical models and there's kind of a description of these that I kind of have grown to like. Quantitative storytelling. So these are mathematical models so they look all kind of formal, sophisticated, very very impressive at some level. They are mathematical with numerical inputs, they're there to further our understanding, and in many cases to support policy analysis. Of course, the monetary policy, all the different FEDS, regional feds, the ECB, all have kind of their model builders. The same is true of climate scientists, the same is true across lots of-- the same is true of other entities in government, including the CBO and the likes.

      So I call this quantitative storytelling because these models are not really full descriptions of reality. We make a bunch of simplifying assumptions in order to make them tractable. We make simplifications to make them revealing and insightful, to be transparent, that we can do stuff with them, and really get an understanding. If they're complex descriptions of reality, they wouldn't be very useful anyway. But they are simplifications. What are their ingredients? Substantive knowledge. There's some type of model formalism to them and empirical evidence. And the formalism gives them structure, and helps to facilitate communication. And we certainly want to draw an empirical evidence. But the models are in some sense wrong, they are wrong by design, to say they are wrong is by itself not much of an insight. So what do we do with them? Interesting question. Where does uncertainty emerge here? So now when I think about these models, it's kind of quantitative storytelling with multiple stories. So different researchers have built different models. The models have different implications. Different academic papers do formal analyses of these each different stories. But if you want to gauge in sensible and prudent policy analysis, we have to somehow figure out a way to combine these stories, to think across stories, and think about implications across stories. Not necessarily just in one or the other, because in many sets of circumstances, there's no reason it'd be all in on one or the other.

      So looking across models is a very important task, I believe. Each model has so-called randomness. Usually, we think about uncertainty, we think about things with probability distributions, normal distributions, and things like that. These models have random impulses. They have things where you have fully probabilistic specifications that require numerical inputs. But there's multiple versions of them. And each such model is itself an abstraction. As I said, these stories are not really intended to be recordings of actual histories or complete descriptions of reality. Such is both infeasible and would not be terribly insightful. So how do we use models that are wrong? That's kind of an interesting challenge. So uncertainty, we typically think about it in economics classes when we teach about risk. We always use this term risk. But looking across models and how to take in this abstraction question--? I mean these are also very important tasks in many respects, maybe even more important.

      Delete
  39. kindly assist on this, I tried but wound u failing
    recognize the limits of setting human behavior. As long as a public has expectations people are going to come forward, and they are going to either pretend or actually believe they can do more than what really is in their power. This pretense of knowledge itself can be counter-productive for society and potentially harmful.
    So how do we guard against that? And that's the real challenge here. Okay, so I like to build mathematical models, and there's kind of a description of these that I kind of have grown to like. Quantitative storytelling, so these are mathematical models so they look all kind of formal, sophisticated, very, very impressive at some level. They are mathematical with numerical inputs. They are there to further our understanding and in many cases to support policy analysis. Of course, for monetary policy the--all the different feds, regional feds, the ECB all have their model builders. The same is true for climate scientists the same is true across lots of--the same is true of other entities in government including the CBO and the like. So it's called quantitative storytelling because these models are not really full descriptions of reality. We make a bunch of simplifying assumptions in order to make them tractable. We make simplifications to make them revealing and insightful to be transparent that we can do stuff with them and really get understanding. If they're complex descriptions of reality they won't be very useful anyway. But there are simplifications. What are their ingredients? Substantive knowledge, there's some type of model formalism to them and empirical evidence. And the formalism gives them structure and helps to facilitate communication.
    In which we want to draw an empirical evidence but the models are sometimes wrong, they are wrong by design. To say they're wrong is by itself not much of an insight. So how do we do with them? Interesting question. Where does uncertainty emerge here? It's now why I think about these models as kind of quantitative storytelling with multiple stories. So different researchers have built different models. The models have different implications. Different academic papers do formal analysis of these each different stories, but if you want to gauge in sensible and prudent policy analysis we have to somehow figure a way to combine these stories. To think across stories and think about implications across stories. And actually just into one or the other because in many sets of circumstances there's no reason it'll be all on one or the other. So looking across models as a very important task, I believe. Each model has so called randomness. Usually we think about uncertainty, we think about things with probability distributions, normal distributions and things like that. But these models have random impulses. They have things where we have full probabilistic specifications that require numerical inputs. But there's multiple versions of them and each such model is itself an abstraction. As I said these stories are not really intended to be recordings of actual histories or complete descriptions of reality. Such as both infeasible and would not be terribly insightful.
    So how do we use models that are wrong? That's kind of an interesting challenge. So uncertainty we typically think about it in economic classes when we teach about risk. We always use this term risk, but looking across models and how to take in this abstraction question. I mean these are also very important tasks, in many respects maybe even more important

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. I need help with this one as well, someone please. :')

      I failed with the following:

      recognize the limits of studying human behavior. As long as the public has expectations, people are going to come forward. And they're going to either pretend or actually believe that they can do more than what really is in their power. This pretense of knowledge itself can be counterproductive for society and potentially harmful. So how do we guard against that? And that's the real challenge here.
      So I like to build mathematical models, and there's kind of a description of these that I kind of have grown to like- quantitative storytelling. So they have mathematical models. So they look all kinds of formal, sophisticated, very very impressive at some level. They are mathematical with numerical inputs. They are there to further our understanding, and in many cases to support policy analysis. Of course the monetary policy, all the different FEDS, regional feds, the ECB, all have kind of their model builders.

      The same is true of climate scientists. The same is true of other entities in government including the CBO and the likes. So I call it quantitative storytelling, because these models are not really full descriptions of reality. We make a bunch of simplifying assumptions in order to make them tractable. We make simplifications to make them revealing and insightful, to be transparent, that we can do stuff with them and really get an understanding. They're complex descriptions of reality that wouldn't be very useful anyway. But they are simplifications. What are their ingredients? Substantive knowledge. There's some type of model formalism to them and empirical evidence. And the formalism gives them structure and it helps to facilitate communication. And we don't really want to draw empirical evidence. But the models are in some sense wrong, they are wrong by design, to say they are wrong by itself is not much of an insight. So what do we do with them? Interesting question. Where does uncertainty emerge here? So now when I think about these models, it's kind of quantitative storytelling with multiple stories. So different researchers build different models. The models have different implications. Different academic papers do formal analysis of these each different stories. But if you want to gauge in sensible imprudent policy analysis, we have to somehow figure out a way to combine these stories, to think across stories, and think about implications across stories. Not necessarily just in one or the other, because in many sets of circumstances, there's no reason it'd be all in on one or the other.

      So looking at class models is a very important task, I believe. Each model has so-called randomness. Usually when we think about uncertainty we think about things with probability distributions, normal distributions and things like that. These models have random impulses. They have things where you have fully probabilistic specifications that require numerical inputs. But there's multiple versions of them. And each such model is itself an abstraction. As I said, these stories are not really intended to be recordings of actual histories or complete descriptions of reality. Such as both infeasible and would not be terribly insightful. So how do we use models that are wrong? That's kind of an interesting challenge. So uncertainty, we typically think about it in economic classes when we teach about risk. We always use this term "risk." But looking at class models and how to take them in this abstraction question, I mean these are also very important tasks in many respects, maybe even more important

      Delete
  40. Help please! Someone, anyone... :')
    I failed this one with the following.

    recognize the limits of studying human behavior. As long as the public has expectations, people are going to come forward. And they're going to either pretend or actually believe that they can do more than what really is in their power. This pretense of knowledge itself can be counterproductive for society and potentially harmful. So how do we guard against that? And that's the real challenge here.
    So I like to build mathematical models, and there's kind of a description of these that I kind of have grown to like- quantitative storytelling. So they have mathematical models. So they look all kinds of formal, sophisticated, very very impressive at some level. They are mathematical with numerical inputs. They are there to further our understanding, and in many cases to support policy analysis. Of course the monetary policy, all the different FEDS, regional feds, the ECB, all have kind of their model builders.

    The same is true of climate scientists. The same is true of other entities in government including the CBO and the likes. So I call it quantitative storytelling, because these models are not really full descriptions of reality. We make a bunch of simplifying assumptions in order to make them tractable. We make simplifications to make them revealing and insightful, to be transparent, that we can do stuff with them and really get an understanding. They're complex descriptions of reality that wouldn't be very useful anyway. But they are simplifications. What are their ingredients? Substantive knowledge. There's some type of model formalism to them and empirical evidence. And the formalism gives them structure and it helps to facilitate communication. And we don't really want to draw empirical evidence. But the models are in some sense wrong, they are wrong by design, to say they are wrong by itself is not much of an insight. So what do we do with them? Interesting question. Where does uncertainty emerge here? So now when I think about these models, it's kind of quantitative storytelling with multiple stories. So different researchers build different models. The models have different implications. Different academic papers do formal analysis of these each different stories. But if you want to gauge in sensible imprudent policy analysis, we have to somehow figure out a way to combine these stories, to think across stories, and think about implications across stories. Not necessarily just in one or the other, because in many sets of circumstances, there's no reason it'd be all in on one or the other.

    So looking at class models is a very important task, I believe. Each model has so-called randomness. Usually when we think about uncertainty we think about things with probability distributions, normal distributions and things like that. These models have random impulses. They have things where you have fully probabilistic specifications that require numerical inputs. But there's multiple versions of them. And each such model is itself an abstraction. As I said, these stories are not really intended to be recordings of actual histories or complete descriptions of reality. Such as both infeasible and would not be terribly insightful. So how do we use models that are wrong? That's kind of an interesting challenge. So uncertainty, we typically think about it in economic classes when we teach about risk. We always use this term "risk." But looking at class models and how to take them in this abstraction question, I mean these are also very important tasks in many respects, maybe even more important

    ReplyDelete
  41. I also failed "recognize the limits of studying human behavior. As long as the public has expectations..."
    Someone who passed, please Help! :(

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. I need help with this one too

      Delete
    2. please post the correct text if you pass it

      Delete
    3. Please help. :'(
      I listed replies above with correct responses, someone return the favor. LOL

      Delete
    4. Can anyone help with the above answer...It's very tough

      Delete
    5. HELP!!! Did anyone pass??? :(

      Delete
    6. I'm trapped on that one too, it's difficult to understand him:(

      Delete
    7. i found an article paper mentioned this as the nobel prize speech of Hayek
      https://bfi.uchicago.edu/on-pricing-uncertainty-induced-by-climate-change/
      they write :
      I am continually haunted by the warning in Hayek’s Nobel address:

      “Even if true scientists should recognize the limits of studying human behavior, as long as the public has expectations, there will be people who pretend or believe that they can do more to meet popular demand than what is really in their power.”

      Delete
    8. Send the screenshot please

      Delete
    9. pls send the correct answer help):

      Delete
  42. please help me with this one as well

    ReplyDelete
  43. This comment has been removed by the author.

    ReplyDelete
  44. recognize the limits of studying human behavior. As long as the public has expectations, people are going to come forward, and they're going to either pretend or actually believe they could do more than what really is in their power. This pretense of knowledge itself can be counterproductive for society and potentially harmful. So, how do we guard against that? That's the real challenge here. Okay, so I like to build mathematical models. And there's kind of a description of these that I kind of have grown to like quantitative storytelling. So these are mathematical models. So they look all kind of formal, sophisticated, very, very impressive at some level. They're mathematical with numerical inputs. They're there to further our understanding, and in many cases to support policy analysis. Of course, for monetary policy, all the different Feds, regional Feds, the ECB, all have kind of their model builders. The same is true of climate scientists. The same is true across lots of--the same is true of other entities in government, including the CBO and the like. So I call this quantitative storytelling because these models are not really full descriptions of reality. We make a bunch of simplifying assumptions in order to make them tractable. We make simplifications to make them revealing and insightful, to be transparent, that we can do stuff with them, and really get in on the understanding. If there were complex descriptions of reality that wouldn't be very useful anyway. But they are simplifications. What are their ingredients, substantive knowledge? There's some type of model formalism to them and empirical evidence. And, the formalism gives them structure and helps to facilitate communication. And we certainly want to draw on empirical evidence, but the models are in some sense wrong. They're wrong by design to say they're wrong. Is that by itself not much of an insight? So, how do we do with them? Interesting question. About uncertainty, where? Where does uncertainty emerge here? Now, I want to think about these models as a kind of quantitative storytelling with multiple stories. So, different researchers have built different models. The models have different implications, different academic papers, do a formal analysis of these each different stories. But if you want to gauge in sensible and prudent policy analysis, we have to somehow figure out a way to combine these stories to think across stories and think about implications across stories. Not necessarily just under one or the other because in many sets of circumstances there's no reason to be all-in on one or the other. So looking across models is a very important task I believe. Each model has so-called randomness. Usually, we think about uncertainty, we think about things with probability distributions, normal distributions, and things like that. These models have random impulses. They have things where you have fully probabilistic specifications that require numerical inputs. But there are multiple versions of them and each such model is itself an abstraction. As I said, these stories are not really intended to be recordings of actual histories or complete descriptions of reality, such as both infeasible and would not be terribly insightful. So, how do we use models that are wrong? It's kind of an interesting challenge. So uncertainly, we typically think about it in economics classes when we teach about risk, we always use the term risk. But looking across models and how to take this abstraction question, I mean, these are also a very important task. In many respects, maybe even more important

    ReplyDelete
  45. yes, its true i have tried it and it was successful. Thank you nkem

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. dude, I passed with this

      recognize the limits of studying human behavior. As long as the public has expectations, people are going to come forward, and they're going to either pretend or actually believe they could do more than what really is in their power. This pretense of knowledge itself can be counterproductive for society and potentially harmful. So how do we guard against that? That's the real challenge here. Okay, so I like to build mathematical models, and there's kind of a description of these, that I kind of have grown to like quantitative storytelling. So these are mathematical models, so they look all kind of formal, sophisticated, very, very impressive at some level. They're mathematical with numerical inputs. They're there to further our understanding, and in many cases to support policy analysis. Of course, for monetary policy, all of the different Feds, regional Feds, the ECB, all have kind of their model builders. The same is true of climate scientists. The same is across lots of-- the same is true of other entities in government, including the CBO and the likes. So I call this quantitative storytelling because these models are not really full descriptions of reality. We make a bunch of simplifying assumptions in order to make them tractable. We make simplification to make them revealing and insightful, to be transparent, that we can do stuff with them, and really get in on the understanding. If there are complex descriptions of reality that wouldn't be very useful anyway. But they are simplifications. What are their ingredients, substantive knowledge? There's some type of model formalism to them and empirical evidence. And, the formalism gives them structure and helps to facilitate communication. And we certainly want to draw on empirical evidence, but the models are in some sense wrong. They're wrong by design to say they're wrong. Is it by itself not much of an insight? So, how do we do with them? Interesting question. About uncertainty, where does uncertainly emerge here? Now, I want to think about these models as a kind of quantitative storytelling with multiple stories. So, different researchers have built different models. The models have different implications, different academic papers, do a formal analysis of these each different stories. But if you want to gauge in sensible and prudent policy analysis, we have to somehow figure out a way to combine these stories to think across stories and to think about implications across stories. Not necessarily just in one or the other because in many sets of circumstances there's no reason to be all-in on one or the other. So looking across models is a very important task, I believe. Each model has so-called randomness. Usually, we think about uncertainly, we think about things with probability distributions, normal distributions, and things like that. Well, these models have random impulses. They have things where you have fully probabilistic specifications that require numerical inputs. But there's multiple versions of them and each such model is itself an abstraction. As I said, these stories are not really intended to be recordings of actual histories or complete descriptions of reality, such as both infeasible and would not be terribly insightful. So, how do we use models that are wrong? It's kind of an interesting challenge. So uncertainly, we typically think about it in economics classes when we teach about risk, we always use this term "risk". But looking across models and how to take this abstraction question, I mean, these are also a very important task. In many respects, maybe even more important

      Delete
  46. Same here I got failed after using the above answer.

    ReplyDelete
  47. I'm an other person. If you wanna use it use it, cause I passed with this


    recognize the limits of studying human behavior. As long as the public has expectations, people are going to come forward, and they're going to either pretend or actually believe they could do more than what really is in their power. This pretense of knowledge itself can be counterproductive for society and potentially harmful. So how do we guard against that? That's the real challenge here. Okay, so I like to build mathematical models, and there's kind of a description of these, that I kind of have grown to like quantitative storytelling. So these are mathematical models, so they look all kind of formal, sophisticated, very, very impressive at some level. They're mathematical with numerical inputs. They're there to further our understanding, and in many cases to support policy analysis. Of course, for monetary policy, all of the different Feds, regional Feds, the ECB, all have kind of their model builders. The same is true of climate scientists. The same is across lots of-- the same is true of other entities in government, including the CBO and the likes. So I call this quantitative storytelling because these models are not really full descriptions of reality. We make a bunch of simplifying assumptions in order to make them tractable. We make simplification to make them revealing and insightful, to be transparent, that we can do stuff with them, and really get in on the understanding. If there are complex descriptions of reality that wouldn't be very useful anyway. But they are simplifications. What are their ingredients, substantive knowledge? There's some type of model formalism to them and empirical evidence. And, the formalism gives them structure and helps to facilitate communication. And we certainly want to draw on empirical evidence, but the models are in some sense wrong. They're wrong by design to say they're wrong. Is it by itself not much of an insight? So, how do we do with them? Interesting question. About uncertainty, where does uncertainly emerge here? Now, I want to think about these models as a kind of quantitative storytelling with multiple stories. So, different researchers have built different models. The models have different implications, different academic papers, do a formal analysis of these each different stories. But if you want to gauge in sensible and prudent policy analysis, we have to somehow figure out a way to combine these stories to think across stories and to think about implications across stories. Not necessarily just in one or the other because in many sets of circumstances there's no reason to be all-in on one or the other. So looking across models is a very important task, I believe. Each model has so-called randomness. Usually, we think about uncertainly, we think about things with probability distributions, normal distributions, and things like that. Well, these models have random impulses. They have things where you have fully probabilistic specifications that require numerical inputs. But there's multiple versions of them and each such model is itself an abstraction. As I said, these stories are not really intended to be recordings of actual histories or complete descriptions of reality, such as both infeasible and would not be terribly insightful. So, how do we use models that are wrong? It's kind of an interesting challenge. So uncertainly, we typically think about it in economics classes when we teach about risk, we always use this term "risk". But looking across models and how to take this abstraction question, I mean, these are also a very important task. In many respects, maybe even more important

    ReplyDelete
  48. Thank you for all the help, good people! I passed with this one:

    recognize the limits of studying human behavior. As long as the public has expectations, people are going to come forward, and they're going to either pretend or actually believe they could do more than what really is in their power. This pretense of knowledge itself can be counterproductive for society and potentially harmful. So, how do we guard against that? That's the real challenge here. Okay so, I like to build mathematical models. And there's kind of a description of these that I kind of have grown to like, quantitative storytelling. So, these are mathematical models, so they look all kind of formal, sophisticated, and very, very impressive at some level. They're mathematical with numerical inputs. They're there to further our understanding, and in many cases to support policy analysis. Of course, for monetary policy, all the different Feds, regional Feds, the ECB, all have kind of their model builders. The same is true of climate scientists. The same is true across lots of-- the same is true of other entities in government, including the CBO and the like.
    So, I call this quantitative storytelling because these models are not really full descriptions of reality. We make a bunch of simplifying assumptions in order to make them tractable. We make simplifications to make them revealing and insightful, to be transparent, that we can do stuff with them, and really get an understanding. If there were complex descriptions of reality they wouldn't be very useful anyway. But they are simplifications. What are their ingredients? substantive knowledge? There's some type of model formalism to them and empirical evidence. And, the formalism gives them structure and helps to facilitate communication. And we certainly want to draw on empirical evidence, but the models are in some sense wrong. They're wrong by design. To say they're wrong is in by itself not much of an insight. So, what do we do with them? Interesting question. About uncertainty, where does uncertainty emerge here?
    So, now I want to think about these models as a kind of quantitative storytelling with multiple stories. So, different researchers have built different models, the models have different implications. Different academic papers, do formal analysis of these each different stories. But if you want to gauge in sensible and prudent policy analysis, we have to somehow figure out a way to combine these stories, to think across stories, and think about implications across stories. Not necessarily just under one or the other, because in many sets of circumstances there's no reason to be all-in on one or the other. So, looking across models is a very important task I believe. Each model has so-called randomness. Usually, we think about uncertainty, we think about things with probability distributions, normal distributions, and things like that. These models have random impulses. They have things where you have fully probabilistic specifications that require numerical inputs. But there is multiple versions of them and each such model is itself an abstraction. As I said, these stories are not really intended to be recordings of actual histories or complete descriptions of reality, such as both infeasible and would not be terribly insightful. So, how do we use models that are wrong? It's kind of an interesting challenge. So, uncertainly, we typically think about it in economics classes when we teach about risk, we always use the term risk. But looking across models and how to take in this abstraction question, I mean, these are also very important tasks. In many respects, maybe even more important

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. I just edited Nkem's a bit. Thank you Nkem.

      Delete
    2. Your welcome. People probably failed cos they copy+pasted it incorrectly

      Delete
    3. Thank you both, I passed with this one

      Delete
  49. THANK YOU SO MUCH, GOOD AND KIND-HEARTED PEOPLE FOR HELPING OTHER PEOPLE PASS THE EXAM!
    MAY THE GOOD THAT YOU DID HERE RETURN TO YOU SOON! ALL THE BEST TO ALL OF YOU!

    ReplyDelete
  50. I passed with this too

    recognize the limits of studying human behavior. As long as the public has expectations people are going to come forward, and they're going to either pretend or actually believe that they can do more than what really is in their power. This pretense of knowledge itself can be counterproductive for society and potentially harmful. So how do we guard against that? And that's the real challenge here. Okay, so I like to build mathematical models and there's kind of a description of these that I kind of have grown to like. Quantitative storytelling. So these are mathematical models so they look all kind of formal, sophisticated, very very impressive at some level. They are mathematical with numerical inputs, they're there to further our understanding, and in many cases to support policy analysis. Of course, the monetary policy, all the different FEDS, regional feds, the ECB, all have kind of their model builders. The same is true of climate scientists, the same is true across lots of-- the same is true of other entities in government, including the CBO and the likes.

    So I call this quantitative storytelling because these models are not really full descriptions of reality. We make a bunch of simplifying assumptions in order to make them tractable. We make simplifications to make them revealing and insightful, to be transparent, that we can do stuff with them, and really get an understanding. If they're complex descriptions of reality, they wouldn't be very useful anyway. But they are simplifications. What are their ingredients? Substantive knowledge. There's some type of model formalism to them and empirical evidence. And the formalism gives them structure, and helps to facilitate communication. And we certainly want to draw an empirical evidence. But the models are in some sense wrong, they are wrong by design, to say they are wrong is by itself not much of an insight. So what do we do with them? Interesting question. Where does uncertainty emerge here? So now when I think about these models, it's kind of quantitative storytelling with multiple stories. So different researchers have built different models. The models have different implications. Different academic papers do formal analyses of these each different stories. But if you want to gauge in sensible and prudent policy analysis, we have to somehow figure out a way to combine these stories, to think across stories, and think about implications across stories. Not necessarily just in one or the other, because in many sets of circumstances, there's no reason it'd be all in on one or the other.

    So looking across models is a very important task, I believe. Each model has so-called randomness. Usually, we think about uncertainty, we think about things with probability distributions, normal distributions, and things like that. These models have random impulses. They have things where you have fully probabilistic specifications that require numerical inputs. But there's multiple versions of them. And each such model is itself an abstraction. As I said, these stories are not really intended to be recordings of actual histories or complete descriptions of reality. Such is both infeasible and would not be terribly insightful. So how do we use models that are wrong? That's kind of an interesting challenge. So uncertainty, we typically think about it in economics classes when we teach about risk. We always use this term risk. But looking across models and how to take in this abstraction question--? I mean these are also very important tasks in many respects, maybe even more important.

    ReplyDelete
  51. Thanking god for the helpful people here. Thank you so much for your help. I passed with the above. :')

    ReplyDelete
  52. guys who has the answer to this and has passed, i have tried and they still bringing the same audio, kindly do help...."you talked about the response to financial crises...."

    ReplyDelete
  53. I did everything good and I got this message

    We regret to advise that we have detected a violation of our rules, as laid out in our Exam Instructions document that you confirmed to having read, regarding your submitted exam.

    As stated in the Exam Instructions document, we do not allow answers to be shared across accounts, nor do we allow applicants to create more than one account in order to complete the exam. Any accounts found guilty of either of these offenses will be blocked.

    Unfortunately, due to this discovery, we cannot move forward with your application and your account has been blocked.

    How do you guys avoid this?

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. so did I, but I don't think there's any solution

      Delete
  54. i need help with this;
    yes, Actually my story stars....

    ReplyDelete
  55. HEY CAN SOMEBODY HELP ME, UM EVEN THOUGH ABOUT SIGN IN UP....

    ReplyDelete
  56. Also got that msg! Even though I did not copy - only compared my test answer to others - so be careful!

    ReplyDelete
  57. They be detecting IP addresses of laptops and If you create another account in the same laptop, it cannot be useful.

    If you want to try again you want:
    - Use another laptop
    - new email, Pay pal account, new name[ use your family's name]
    - Don't copy, it can be detected. Just put answer in front of you and type it.
    - Take your time 'cause there's no time limit.
    - And don't share answers with same e-mail.

    I passed so many times but I made mistakes like, sharing answers, using same laptop, using same pay pal account, using same name. And I also bought another laptop for rent, and my dumbass put the same name as my last account. I fucked up so badly.

    And dude does anyone passed GoTranscript these days, 'cause when I try it be saying "declined, declined" even though I did my best. Does anyone have any tips to pass GoTranscript audio answer. Please!!!!

    ReplyDelete
  58. Can you help me on this PLZ PLZ PLZ

    We've had an enormous expansion of inequality, it's, I think, in many ways, our perception of the society we live in has not at all caught up with the reality, which is fully a return to a gilded age levels in the United States actually told my Pilates.........................................................................................................................................Although the US economy despite the crisis is a lot richer than it was 15 years ago. None of that has trickled down even to college graduates.

    ReplyDelete
  59. Can anyone help me with this one->
    so what I want to do today is talk about this strange world in which we now find ourselves. Some of the difficulties that I think we have in incoming...

    ReplyDelete
  60. https://scribie.com/freelance-transcription?rc=ba996878d9eb4fdfa31a6134c7ec023f68205202#intro

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. Help me with...

      One of the most important comments for the modern period I think was made by Adam Smith

      Delete
  61. Please help me with

    "now, lower levels had done somewhat worse, but this is no longer a story of the highly educated"

    ReplyDelete
  62. I need help with this please

    basically Japan after the bubble burst experienced steadily falling inflation, eventually became deflation, cut interest rates repeatedly eventually hitting zero, and remain depressed. Now, the blue line is real GDP per capita, it didn't actually have a plunge at any point, being a fast growing economy up to the end of the 80s Japan basically stagnated in terms of real progress.....

    ReplyDelete
  63. Hey! I need help with TranscribeMe Test

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. Did you pass the audio of " basically japon.... ?

      Delete
  64. Need help with this one:


    You know as well in Great Britain, and Anthony calles at UCLA, were the first to study hypnotics in terms of all night's sleep laboratory testing that began when barbiturates were really the only thing available. It was clear that barbiturates, were addicting, and they were dangerous. This was about the time when the very first benzodiazepine hypnotic was marketed by Hoffman, the Roche company and it was called pureza Pam Dalman was more effective than say Nebuta, it was certainly much much safer and tended not to lose its efficacy over a relatively short period of time, nobody was studying sleep every night for months, testing it was done down mean, first of all it did not suppress REM sleep. So one of the things was it didn't suppress REM sleep well it does suppress it somewhat at a higher doses but at a rate it induced sleep, it was safe, didn't suppress REM sleep, and what they missed entirely in those early days was it dalmane had a long acting active metabolite sedation continued in the daytime. The second generation of benzodiazepine hypnotics was marketed by the Upjohn company and is try Islam. The first big breakthrough in hypnotic efficacy research was the use of the sleep laboratory. The second big breakthrough frankly was the principle that you had 24 hour a day and if sleep is improved at night, then alertness must be improved during the day, comparing down to house it was like Dan Knight house young improve sleep and improved daytime alertness, using mobile sleep latency test down and improved sleep but impaired daytime alertness. Meanwhile, a new compound was being developed again in France, which has a trade name Ambien and it was an imidazole paradeen nonbenzodiazepine Although it apparently was a benzodiazepine agonist, it was, to some extent an improvement, it did not produce any withdrawal effects with Halcyon when it was first marketed the FDA did get reports of side effects but certainly there was less when Ambien was introduced, I think it has passed the test of time in that regard it just hasn't been any notoriety at all. My position is a bottle of sleeping pills in the medicine cabinet is like a fire extinguisher in the basement there are times when you need to get sleep and you can't, lots of stories around the country some very tragic where they had terrible insomnia, and then some tragic consequences, due to the excessive daytime sleepiness. Meanwhile physician, refusing to prescribe it is now known of course, that there is a circadian rhythm of melatonin secretion in constant dim light there's a specific period of onset of melatonin secretion under the control of the biological clock and then it's in the system, all night long, it's suppressed by light it is, there's a level of melatonin through the night and then it decreases in the daytime. Now, one thing that is known, there are melatonin receptors in the Super cosmetic nucleus, the biological clock can be its time can be shifted by the administration of melatonin for individuals who have insomnia due to the failure of synchrony between the daytime schedule and the circadian rhythm you can shift the clock by giving melatonin, at times when the organelle isn't present. Many people feel that melatonin is also sedating, and that in some way it sort of initiates the whole sleep process I think that studies in which it has been used purely as a hypnotic have been in my opinion, somewhat inconclusive. It is certainly not a potent sedative. The, the main reason for the widespread use of melatonin is number one, you don't need a prescription it's sold in in health food stores, and it's a normal hormone so that it ought to be very safe. Apparently, it is not totally dose dependent so very small dose produces for some people, at least the desired effect. I think we have more to learn about melatonin.

    ReplyDelete
  65. Anyone can help me to pass this test, Can you help me fix this test.

    basically, Japan, after the bubble burst experienced steadily falling inflation which eventually became deflation, cut interest rates repeatedly eventually getting zero, and remained depressed. Now, the blue line is real GDP per capita. It didn't actually have a plunge at any point. During a fast-growing economy up to the end of the '80s, Japan basically stagnated in terms of real per capita GDP with a few Wiggles. That's the infamous lost decade in Japan, one thing that I've been saying lately is that in light of what we've been growing through in all the world including Japan. These last few months, Japan's lost decade is starting to look pretty good. There was no mass unemployment, there was no extreme plunge in the economy but it was certainly frustrating. They slid into a recession that basically never ended what was worse, was unresponsive. They slipped into an affection that was resistant to the usual antibiotics. That was a deeply alarming thing. Japan has lost decade was not a terrible place to live, it was not mass unemployment, it was not the blood in the street but it was intense prolonged frustration of the inability to get that economy moving again. I wasn’t alone obviously in thinking about the Japanese except. I at least said Japan basically looks a lot like us. If they can be caught in the trap like this for an extended period, why can it happen to two other countries? So, the number of people worrying about that it was honored people's mind [inaudible] possibility and the thing is. It came true. We got into a situation of over-extension excessive leverage, and the mother of all housing bubbles. When all of that burst we plunged into a recession, and that had thought about how to deal with something like a Japanese trap. Their first rule was cut interest rates early, and often basically aggressive initial [inaudible] monetary policy response which they did but it wasn't enough. They went all the way to zero, and the economy is still shrinking, found themselves in the liquidity trap. Now, this is where we begin [Alice?] through the looking glass discussion. A situation where short-term interest rates are zero, and normally monetary policy is made by cutting a target interest rate where you've gone all the way to the end of that. That was named liquidity trap, meaning that you can normally increase the quantity of money. That means that people have more liquidity than they did then they need, they lent it out for a chain reaction to the credit markets that have to expand the economy. But if interest rates is zero, people are saturated. They have as much liquidity as they want. This was advanced not in those words but advanced as centre theme in [inaudible] general theory. It was somewhat formalized by John Hicks but it's [inaudible] from consideration in economics you can see sort of see why. But when something like it arrived in Japan, and now for all of us today, a lot of people found it hard to believe that there was a widespread belief that well look if the Central bank prints a bunch of money that has to have an expansionary effects on the economy of the fact it has been inflationary. I mean, we just know that printing money is inflationary we have this standard way that we do short-term macroeconomics the ISL model but everybody who does that knows that it's ad hoc. It's not really grounded in micro-foundations you own these things that [condensate?], and presumably we thought about it really carefully and dotted all your eyes and crossed all your teeth. you would come to the conclusion of course expanding the money supply in effective no matter what, and. To my shock, it actually gave me the [inaudible] the liquidity trap can be real it really can be true that printing money has no effect.

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. Japan basically stagnated in terms of real per capita GDP with a few Wiggles. That's the infamous lost decade in Japan. One thing that I've been saying lately is that in light of what we've been going through, in all the world, including Japan, these last few months, Japan's lost decade is starting to look pretty good. There was no mass unemployment, there was no extreme plunge in the economy. But it was certainly frustrating. They slid into a recession that basically never ended what was worse, it was unresponsive, they slipped into an infection that was resistant to the usual antibiotics. That was a deeply alarming thing.
      Japan in its lost decade was not a terrible place to live. It was not mass unemployment. There was not the blood in the street, but it was intense, prolonged frustration over the inability to get that economy moving again. I wasn’t alone, obviously, in thinking about the Japanese example, I at least said Japan, basically looks a lot like us. If they can be caught in the trap like this for an extended period. Why can't it happen to two other countries. So, there were number of people worrying about that. It's was on people's mind as a possibility. And the thing is that it came true, we got into a situation of overextension, excessive leverage and the mother of all housing bubbles. When all of that burst, we were plunged into a recession, and they had thought about how to deal with something like a Japanese trap. Their first rule was cut interest rates early and often basically aggressive initial monetary policy response, which they did. But it wasn't enough, they went all the way to zero and the economy is still shrinking, found themselves in the liquidity trap.
      Now, this is where we begin Alice Through the Looking class discussion. A situation where short-term interest rates are zero. Normally monetary policy is made by cutting a target interest rate where you've gone all the way to the end of that, that was named liquidity trap. Meaning that you can normally increase the quantity of money. That means that people have more liquidity than they need, they lend it out, you get sort of chain reaction to the credit markets, that have to expand the economy. But if interest rates are zero, people are saturated, they have as much liquidity as they want. This was advanced, not in those words, but it's advanced as a centre theme in Keynes's General Theory, it was somewhat formalized by John Hicks, but it's sort of vanished from consideration. In economics, you can actually sort of see why. But when something like arrived in Japan now, for all of us today, a lot of people found it hard to believe that there was a widespread belief that Well, look, no, if the central bank prints a bunch of money that has to have an expansionary effect on the economy. In fact, it has to be inflationary. I mean, we just know that printing money is inflationary. We have this standard way that we do short-term macroeconomics, the ESL, that model, but everybody who does that knows that it's ad hoc. It's not really grounded in microfoundations, all these things that economists say. And presumably, if you thought about it really carefully, and dotted all your i's and crossed all your t's, you would come to the conclusion that of course, expanding the money supply is effective no matter what. And to my shock, it actually gave me the opposite answer liquidity trap can be real, it really can be true that printing money has no effect. The reason once you think about it is pretty clear. Really, once you for whatever reasons have gotten in a situation where short-term interest rates are zero. Well, then you go and do conventional monetary policy. What is conventional monetary policy central bank prints some money and more accurately credit spanks with more reserves, and buys up a bunch of treasury bills short-term government debt

      Delete
    2. Idk why i failed this test, can anyone fix it to me clear, pls?
      my email is truongcaothien10@gmail.com. Thank you so much to read it

      Delete
    3. Has anyone passed this?
      Oswald in Great Britain and Anthony Kales at UCLA were the first to study hypnotics in terms of all night's sleep laboratory testing that began when barbiturates were really the only thing available. It was clear that barbiturates were addictive, and that they were dangerous. This is about the time when the very first benzodiazepine hypnotic, was marketed by Hoffmann of the Roche company, and it was called flurazepam. Dalmane was more effective than say, Nembutal it was certainly much much safer and tended not to lose its efficacy over a relatively short period of time. Now, nobody was studying sleep every night for months testing was done. Dalmane first of all, did not suppress REM sleep. So one of the things was it didn't suppress REM sleep. Well, it does suppress somewhat at a higher doses, but at a rate it induced sleep, it was safe, didn't suppress REM sleep, and what they missed entirely in those early days was Dalmane had a long acting active metabolite. Sedation continued in the daytime. The second generation of benzodiazepine hypnotics, was marketed by the Upjohn company and it was alprazolam. The first big breakthrough in hypnotic efficacy research was the use of the sleep laboratory. The second big breakthrough, frankly, was the principle that you have 24 hour day and if sleep is improved at night, then alertness must be improved during the day, comparing Dalmane to alprazolam , it was like day and night, alprazolam improves sleep and improved daytime alertness using multiple sleep latency test. dalmane improves sleep but impaired daytime alertness. Meanwhile, a new compound was being developed again in France, which has a trade name Ambien and is an [foreign] nonbenzodiazepine. Although it apparently was a benzodiazepine agonist. It was, to some extent an improvement it did not produce any withdrawal effects with Halcion when it was first marketed. The FDA did get reports of side effects but certainly there was less when Ambien was introduced. I think it has passed the test of time in that regard is there just hasn't been any notoriety at all. My position is that a bottle of sleeping pills in the medicine cabinet is like a fire extinguisher in the basement. There are times when you need to get sleep and you can't lots of stories around the country some very tragic where they had terrible insomnia and then some tragic consequences due to the excessive daytime sleepiness. Meanwhile physician refusing to prescribe. It is now known of course, that there is a circadian rhythm of melatonin secretion. In constant dim light. There's a specific period of onset of melatonin secretion under the control of the biological clock and then it is in the system all night long. It's suppressed by light it is there's a level of melatonin through the night and then it decreases in the daytime. Now, one thing that is known there are melatonin receptors in the super cosmetic nucleus, the biological clock can be its time can be shifted by the administration of melatonin. For individuals who have insomnia due to the failure of synchrony between the daytime schedule and the circadian rhythm. You can shift the clock by giving melatonin at times when the ordinarily isn't present. Many people feel that Melatonin is also sedating, and that in some way it sort of initiates the whole sleep process. I think that studies in which it has been used purely as a hypnotic have been, in my opinion, somewhat inconclusive. It is certainly not a potent sedative. The main reason for the widespread use of melatonin is number one, you don't need a prescription it's sold in in health food stores as a normal hormone so that it ought to be very safe. Apparently, it is not totally dose dependent. So very small dose produces for some people, at least a desired effect. But I think we have more to learn about melatonin


      Delete
  66. thank you so much, plz can you help me with "Basically Japan after the bubble burst experienced steadily falling inflation, which eventually became deflation cut interest rates repeatedly, eventually hitting zero and remained depressed. Now, the blue line is real GDP per capita, it didn't actually have a plunge at any point being a fast growing economy up to the end of the 80s.

    ReplyDelete
  67. Hello, please, I need help with this audio. " Basically Japan after the bubble burst experienced steadily falling inflation, which eventually became deflation cut interest rates repeatedly, eventually hitting zero and remained depressed. Now, the blue line is real GDP per capita, it didn't actually have a plunge at any point being a fast growing economy up to the end of the 80s......

    ReplyDelete
  68. I passed that one. Email me on kappiah173@gmail.com

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. I failed this one , and I try with this one now , can you help me??

      Delete
    2. hello please i need help with this audio .

      Delete
    3. please i need help with this audio too

      Delete
  69. please I need help with this audio " Now, lower levels have done somewhat worse. But it this is no longer a story of the highly educated versus everyone else. It's a story where it seems like almost everyone is failing to participate in economic growth. So you might ask the question, where's it going? The answer is partly that there's a substantial shift in the distribution of income against labor of all kinds. After a long time, when we say, well, it's about workers. It's not about capital versus labor. The other thing is that even among the compensation, a very large share of the gains is going to a tiny group of people at the top, typically when we tried to illustrate just how concentrated income is, the school teacher comparison is a favorite, depending on the year but but when hedge fund managers who had a good year that typically earn something like three times the the annual income of all the school teachers in New York City, something like that. So that's telling you something about this extreme concentration at the top, you might ask, well, what's what's causing what's causing all of that none of that should be taken to say that access to higher education is no longer relevant. If we want to address this larger problem of a highly unequal and increasingly unequal society, just increasing the amount of education is not going to do it. But in this society, education is a crucial ticket, whether it's is the solution to inequality or not, your chance of making it as far as you can, depends critically on access. And that, of course, is where we have another thing to worry about, which is that that access is becoming increasingly difficult. There was a piece by Tim Taylor pointing out that in the 70s, it was possible to earn enough on a summer job to pay your tuition at many quite good schools. inconceivable now, the the aid has been cut, access is down. We don't have as much data as you'd like on comparative mobility. But we do have a few studies that really do say in case you're wondering, yes, the kind of family you were born into has an enormous impact on your ability to get into and or finish college. We have some evidence that says that that effect dominates. Inherent talent or dominates academic achievement as of as of, of high school levels, eighth graders with high test scores, but from low income families are less likely to to graduate college than then eighth graders with the reverse, rich dumb kids are more likely to get a degree than than smart, poor kids. This in a way brings us back to pickety, we are increasingly becoming a society in which as far as we can tell, we're becoming a society in which social mobility is declining, and which classes increasingly inherited. Education is the key part of that it's not the only part cheer old fashioned inheritance of money is playing an increasing role. But education is crucial. So we have a, we have a huge problem that that hopefully, we will be able to address we'll eventually have sufficient political consensus to address higher education is only going to be a piece of it. But it's going to be a crucial piece we're not going to get anywhere in the direction of the kind of society we ought to be. Unless we can make higher education accessible to all, regardless of where they come from. Long with everything else, maybe we can make a step towards being who we should be. The question .....

    ReplyDelete
  70. Can anyone help me out with this txt? when we speak about the homeostatic regulation of sleep, I think everyone accepts that sleep is regulated homeostatically. But it's kind of a careless concept. It just simply means that sleep deprivation leads to increased tendency of sleep and vice versa, but nobody is ready to accept what I think a few of us have learned. There's a very precise quantitative aspect of this. It's difficult to demonstrate in animals, but not difficult in humans. You can measure the level of sleep tendency in the daytime very precisely with the multiple sleep latency test and then you can show a highly sensitive response to very minor changes in the amount of sleep. And then you can show that over a long period of time, this very precisely accumulates. You can also show that you can very precisely reduce it. So when people say they've been tired all the time, they don't know why, I mean, they may have been accumulating an increased sleep tendency which we [call off?] to communicate with the public sleep debt over a long period of time and that's a huge problem in our society.
    What I've learned recently is that people do not understand that feeling tired is a consequence of sleep deprivation....

    ReplyDelete
  71. This comment has been removed by the author.

    ReplyDelete
  72. i need help too in this. did you get the answer?

    ReplyDelete
  73. Lucas, please post what you have. I can do some light edit and hopefully pass.

    ReplyDelete
  74. I did same on Khanhtanh's audio text and passed the Japan one. Those who need help with that should let me know on whatsapp +233244911382

    ReplyDelete
  75. Could someone please help me with "so what I want to do today is talk about this strange world in which we now find ourselves. Some of the difficulties that I think we have in coming to grips intellectually with the problems"? I checked it twice before submitting but it says I need to try again

    ReplyDelete

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